Wednesday, November 30, 2022

Masking is becoming a cult ritual

So what if they didn't work before!

Vincent J. Curtis

30 Nov 22

RE: Do local mask mandates make sense?  Spectator editorial 30 Nov 22.

In its Wednesday editorial, the Spectator offers this rich and dogmatic conclusion: “Notwithstanding the claims of anti-vaxxers and other pandemic deniers, masking does work.  It’s not perfect, but combined with vaccinations it can reduce the spread of COVID-19 and other respiratory viruses.”

The issue was mandates, not masks.  If you don’t mandates specific masks, masks that don’t work pass muster, and the intent of the mandate is defeated.  That obvious consequence is true even if uttered by detestable and discredited people like anti-vaxxers and pandemic deniers.

(I don’t know anyone who denied that a pandemic once raged, though many were skeptical of the panicked an unavailing public orders that were issued to combat it.  Like Like now scientifically disproven  lockdowns, prohibitions on outdoors activities (even alone), and prohibitions on assembly.  Likewise, to think the mRNA vaccines practically worthless for most people doesn’t make one opposed to vaccination in general.  But I note the bad-faith effort at discrediting your opponents.)

But, it is admitted, masking alone doesn’t work.  You need vaccinations as well - with ‘vaccines’ that don’t prevent infection and don’t prevent transmission.  And even then, these combined only reduce the spread, not prevent it.  Given how wildly contagious the Delta and Omicron variants were, what does it matter whether it’s two or three weeks for the entire country to get the bug?   And other respiratory diseases?  The COVID mRNA vaccine is supposed to be effective against other respiratory viruses?

Mask mandates did not prevent pandemic waves 2,3,4,5, or 6.  There is no empirical evidence that they’ll stop wave 7, vaccines or not. The word is out on mRNA vaccines, and that’s why uptake has slowed dramatically.

Dogmatic insistence in the fact of all evidence, and the bad-faith discrediting of those who disagree only indicates that mandates have become the fixation of a cult.  People don’t follow the recommendation, so let’s force it upon them with the power of government!  Slam the violators with fines, jail, and social exclusion!!  Love the power!!!

Been there, done that, doesn’t work.

-30-

 

Tuesday, November 29, 2022

Get serious

Vincent J. Curtis

29 Nov 22

RE: Humans a key instrument of climate change.  Op-ed by Wayne Poole of Dundas.  The Hamilton Spectator 29 Nov 22.

Actually, there is no scientific evidence that humans are instruments of climate change, and if so, to what degree.  Having to establish that degree to which humans are responsible would require an estimation, and an admission of, natural climate variability.  The politics of the cause requires that humans be held to blame for ti all, and this is done by bald and repeated assertion.

Wayne Poole was being romantic and not factual when he talked about humans changing a region’s climate.  Floods, droughts, fires, environmental, habitat, and species destruction are Poole’s examples of climate change.  None of these are so much as weather events.

But Poole hits on a point that was hammered on during the COP27 conference by the likes of Extinction Rebellion, Just Stop Oil, and their sympathizers.  That is that the human species is a curse upon the earth, and “ecojustice” requires that the human species go extinct by 2100.

This is not a new ideal.  Poole’s outlook mimics the Gaia concept.  Google “Deep Ecology” for another take on the idea of human’s deserving extinction, and notice how long those ideas have been around. Once fringe ideas are now becoming mainstream.

Poole’s most direct ancestor is Malthus, whose much discredited theory Poole repeats unwittingly.

-30-

Monday, November 28, 2022

Emergencies Act Hearings: Trudeau grilled

Vincent J. Curtis

28 Nov 22

“But it was clear that they didn’t just want to be heard, they wanted to be obeyed,” said Justin Trudeau at the end of his questioning by Commission Counsel.  Winston Churchill may well have said that being in a democracy meant occasionally having to defer to the wishes of other people, but Justin Trudeau was made of sterner stuff.

Justin Trudeau is a post-modernist progressive.  Being progressive means you believe in progress while others don’t.  Progressives believe their political goals should be pursued with the “moral equivalent of war.”  Progressives believe in rule by expert.  Since they are absolutely convinced of the enlightened rightness of their cause, disagreement with them can only be due to ignorance, evil, or some other malignancy.  I’ve written about this before, and so have many others.  The exercise of power by progressives is crucial to them because it is only through the exercise of power that their aims can be met, and the more power progressives have the more of their aims can be met.

Post-modernism is distinct from progressivism.  Deconstructive analysis began with port-modernism.  The importance here is that post-modernism holds that there is no accessible objective truth; truth is relative: you have your truth and I have mine.  Truth has a history.  Truth is about power, and those who have the power are able to impose their truth.  We saw and heard the application of these philosophical beliefs starting with the first efforts to discredit the Freedom Convoy.  There was a concerted effort to make the truth about the Convoy not about protests against oppressive and unnecessary mandate that truckers who crossed the border be vaccinated, but that this was simply an irrational reaction against science by racists, misogynists, and low-class unwashed with “unacceptable views.”  They conveniently discredited themselves by flying confederate and Nazi flags as representations of their political outlook, and it was wrong of them to adopt the Canadian flag as the obviously false representation of their love of Canada.  We also saw private definitions of violence and “assaultive behaviour” (my truth) employed deceptively in the giving of testimony.  It is simply impossible for progressives or post-modernists to discuss Convoy actions or intentions in good faith, because, besides emotional and political investment, good faith is an impossible concept to post-modernists.  Post-modernism’s whole business is the bad-faith re-interpretation of the past and of others, what they call “deconstruction.”

Trudeau’s statement revealed his honest view of protests: that they’re okay for blowing off steam, but aren’t to be taken too seriously.  At one point he said, “Public protests are a way of getting messages out there and letting people know how they feel about these issues, but using protests to demand changes to public policy is something that I think is worse.”  Realizing he was making an untenable argument, he backed off a little: of course the purpose of political protest is to change policies, but in the Convoy case changing policy was about compelling obedience; the Convoy didn’t back off after the first weekend.  The truckers could have their weekend to blow off steam and then go home; but to actually change policy, lift the mandate and find some other way, redress their grievance after they made it clear they were serious, and challenged Trudeau’s power:

“There is a difference between occupation, and saying ‘we’re not going until this is changed’ in a way that is massively disruptive.  And potentially dangerous versus just saying ‘we’re protesting because we want public policy to change and we want to convince people to get enough of them that we will listen to enough people that we will say okay I’m going to lose votes if I don’t change this.  That’s the usual way that protests can be effective.” (Note the costing of votes amounts to a costing of power.)

When sympathy protests began popping up all over Canada, at the Ambassador Bridge in Windsor; Coutts, Alberta; Emerson, Manitoba; and Surrey, British Columbia, Trudeau didn’t see these as sign of national discontent with mandates, but as a provincial enforcement issue.  His policies were his policies and were for the good of Canadians, so he couldn’t possibly in the wrong.  Changing them under pressure of national discontent would be just plain wrong!

We finally learned how the Convoy protest in Ottawa came to be an “illegal” “occupation.” Though hinted at by other witnesses, the Convoy came to be illegal because it was violating the municipal parking by-laws on Wellington Street, and because the Convoy did not have a permit from the City of Ottawa to protest.  It became an occupation because the Convoy was “occupying” municipal streets.  And that was that.  A friendly mainstream media picked up the discrediting descriptors, Ontario Premier Doug Ford picked them up, and every government official has been at pains to refer to the Convoy as an “illegal occupation.”

Under questioning by Commission Counsel, Trudeau maintained that the protest wasn’t about him.  Early on he said that the occupation was not a Federal issue; it was a matter for police to take care of.  When it was revealed that Alberta Premier Jason Kenney suggested that Trudeau extend an olive branch to the Convoy, Trudeau replied that the Convoy’s “asks” were a “non-starter.”  In other words, having the medical experts come up with a different plan because the current one was causing too much political discontent was out of the question.  Trudeau was worried about setting a precedent “where if anyone wants something, they set up a blockade on Wellington Street.”  He didn’t want to legitimize the Convoy by engaging with them.  That would be “making a bad decision” and everyone agrees that we don’t want Trudeau making “bad decisions.”

Trudeau was getting annoyed that provincial premiers weren’t coming to his political rescue as the Convoy persisted and the sympathy protests began to spread.  (The protests were costing him votes!)  He complained, “Provincial politicians who were being overlooked in the complaints everyone had about why this wasn’t being resolved would say “let’s not push our noses into this, and people will keep criticizing those people who helped.  A decision to sit back and let us wear this a little bit.”  Trudeau was complaining that most mandates were provincially imposed and that they contributed mightily to the discontent against mandates in general, and him in particular.  Poor him was being left out to dry because he was perceived as being the author of the mandates, even though the Convoy in Ottawa was concerned with the federal mandate on truckers.

The “incompetence” of the Ottawa police as manifested in its failing to disperse the Convoy after the first weekend, as we’ve seen, disturbed Trudeau, and moved him to label the Freedom Convoy as an illegal occupation.  He wearied of police promises of action and not getting any, allegedly. (though the Ambassador Bridge was cleared the day before the EA was invoked, and when Jason Kenney said of Coutts “it’s well on its way to resolution on February 14 before the invocation.)  “We had heard this before,” Trudeau complained.  The EA was invoked in part to prevent a recurrence or a restaging of a protest elsewhere.  He had to get the national emergency under control.

When the Commission Counsel turned to the invoking of the EA, Trudeau revealed he was full of self-pity and self-justification.  He often referred to mysterious “reports” he was getting from unnamed sources.  (“There were a lot of people calling on us to invoke the EA for the pandemic,” he said at one point.)  “There were popups and troubling reports right across the country.”  That ‘things were occurring all across the country’ is is what required the EA.  (Even though most premiers said they didn’t need it in their province.)

Trudeau said near the end of his testimony, “They wanted us to change public health policy designed to help Canadians and were going to occupy locations across this country and interfere with the lives of Canadians until such a decision was taken.  And I can’t to have notice but when Premier Kenney in Alberta did in the course of these convoy occupations remove a number of mandates instead of decreasing the amount of concern the convoy at Coutts, the occupation at Coutts, seemed to be emboldened.  “Look, it’s starting to work, let’s keep going.”  Instead of deescalating.  I am very aware that expressing concern and disagreement around positions on public policy is the right and is to be encouraged by any Canadian who wants to but the occupation and the destabilization and disruption of the lives of so many Canadians and the refusal to maintain a lawful protest is not all right.”

It turns out, Trudeau had been wanting to invoke the EA for a while.  In March of 2020, at the very beginning of the pandemic, he consulted with the provincial premiers about the advisability of invoking it then, and was dissuaded by them then.  (It is noteworthy that his father, Pierre Trudeau, invoked the War Measures Act in October, 1970, and that experience led to the repeal of the War Measures Act and the substitution with the EA.  Justin’s invocation was the first time the EA had been invoked since its enactment in 1988.)  Justin Trudeau was primed and ready to invoke the EA when the police weren’t dispersing the protests popping up everywhere against him.

There was the problem of the invocation under a Public Order Emergency requiring ‘serious violence’, and the protests and especially the Convoy were non-violent.  Hence, what constituted serious violence had to be changed.  Though she denied it on the stand, Chyrstia Freeland asked “David” (not clear if it was David Vignault, head of CSIS or David Lametti, Attorney-General) to designate Tamara Lich a terrorist.  The danger of counter protests (Antifa?) clashing with the Convoy supporters was raised by Trudeau.  (Such an event is known as a riot, which police know how to deal with, and does not constitute a national emergency.)  “We couldn’t say there wasn’t potential for threats of serious violence.”  Then there was economic harm.  To Premier Ford, Trudeau complained the blockaders of the Ambassador Bridge are barricading the Ontario economy are doing millions of dollars in damage a day and harming people’s lives.

After complaining we’ve heard all this before, he says that he would have refrained from invoking the EA if he had been given empty promises of the type he had just dismissed.

Trudeau portrayed himself either as an innocent victim or a hero, and was constantly blame-shifting: onto the IRG, the cabinet, the Canadian people, the Clerk of the PCO, and parliaments past.  At one point he blamed the Canadian people, “What would they think of me if a police officer got hurt and I hadn’t invoked the [EA}” he said near the end.  The self-justifications and his Olympian concern for the welfare of Canadians he was constantly insinuating into the evidentiary record.  You can’t blame him for what he did!

The economic consequences of the blockade at Windsor did not constitute serious violence.  The Coutts gun possessors were in jail when the EA was invoked.  The threats of possible return of protests did not constitute a threat of serious violence, riots between protesters does not constitute a threat to national security.  But Trudeau was determined to invoke the EA somehow, for some reason, and the Convoy presented itself.  Trudeau secured legal advice from his Attorney-General (an eminent lawyer himself who had to agree with the advice or he would have resigned) to the enable him to ignore the plain wording of the statutory language.  He did not consult with the premiers in good faith as required in a good-faith way and intruded onto provincial sovereignty.  Seven of ten premiers were against the invocation at the hastily called teleconference.

A good-faith dealing of the Convoy even now is impossible of the Liberal government and its supporters in the MSM.  Trudeau surrounded himself with yes-men.  The EA was invoked unlawfully, and Trudeau’s philosophical outlook, combined with a daddy complex, goes far to explain why a manifest political problem created by two years of oppressive mandates would not be dealt with politically, but with force and the menace of impoverishment by the seizure of bank accounts instead.

An interesting fact is that because it’s now a cabinet secret and protected by solicitor-client privilege, the conditions in which a Public Order Emergency can be declared is a state secret!

-30-

Trudeau did lie under oath.  He was asked if he ever called the unvaccinated racists and misogynists.  He said “I did not call people who are unvaccinated names.”   EXCEPT that in an interview in September, 2021, Trudeau told the hostess in French, “…by vaccination then if we all know people who are hesitating a little bit we will continue to convince but also people who are fiercely opposed to vaccination are extremists who don’t believe in science who are often misogynists often racist too it’s a small small group but it takes up space and there we have to make a choice as leader as a country are we – what do we tolerate these people where do we say let’s see most people almost….”

As one evaluates this, keep in mind that power dictates what truth is, according to post-modernism.  That Trudeau calls those opposed to vaccination bad names has nothing to do with facts but with power.  He has the power to label people who disagree with him with bad names, and freely does so for the same of imposing his power, the power to have people vaccinated.  Objectively speaking, Trudeau would have no way of knowing for certain that a woman who opposed vaccination was a misogynists, or extremists in any other respect; or a scientist who is skeptical could be a disbeliever in science.  The Black community was notoriously slow in vaccine uptake – does that make Blacks racist? These are all slanders for the purpose of discrediting people who disagree with him, and manifestly have nothing to do with objective truth.  Besides, even extremists, racistsmisogynists, and disbelievers in science can have correct opinions about the wisdom of vaccination against COVID.  What about those extremists, racists, misogynists and disbelievers in science who AGREE with Trudeau?  Don’t that discredit Trudeau?

Don’t look for consistency here!

 

 

Thursday, November 24, 2022

Creative lawyering

Vincent J. Curtis

24 Nov 22

The Emergencies Act hearings revealed that under the advice of Attorney-General David Lametti, the Federal cabinet, the Governor-in-Council, could and did disregard the plain English meaning of Section 16 of the Emergency Measures Act (EA).  The wording in the EA specifically ties the meaning of a “Public Order Emergency” to Section 2 of the CSIS Act.

The relevant wording is as follows: 2 (c) activities within or relating to Canada directed toward or in support of the threat or use of acts of serious violence against persons or property for the purpose of achieving a political, religious or ideological objective within Canada or a foreign state.

The serious violence provision, when adopted, was guided by the FLQ crisis of 1970.  After a years’ long campaign of placing bombs in mail boxes, cells of the FLQ kidnapped and murdered Quebec Deputy Premier Pierre LaPorte, and kidnapped British trade commissioner James Cross.  This is the image to keep in mind when associating “serious violence” with invoking the War Measures Act, or its successor, the EA.

Before the commission, Lametti argued that given the different purposes of the CSIS Act and the EA, each with different goals, the meaning of 2(c) in the EA is different - from the context in which it has been incorporated into the two acts.  The decision making body is different, for one thing.

Lametti was arguing that Cabinet hands cannot be bound by what CSIS thinks, but its hands can be unbound by what a lawyer thinks.

Let’s take it as read that the government is free to interpret the meaning of 2 (c) independently of CSIS.  What CSIS thinks is irrelevant to the conclusion the government reaches on the basis of the same set of facts.  This would explain the government’s emphasis on violence and that the protests mysteriously became “illegal.”

The Freedom Convoy was non-violent civil disobedience intended to convince the Federal government to lift its recently imposed vaccine mandate on truckers who crossed the U.S. border.  And it was non-violent.  This fact necessitates a creative interpretation of what amounts to violence in order to reach the standard of 2 (c).

Hence, the blockade at the Ambassador Bridge was an act of violence.  Horn-honking was an act of violence.  Unverified claims of fear by Ottawa residents and of acts of intimidation and harassment were all alleged to be acts of violence by the protesters.  “My own staff were harassed,” claimed Lametti under oath.  The reports of guns being in the cabs of the trucks in Ottawa played into the leitmotif of violence and threats of violence.  The fear of a January 6th style of an invasion of the parliament buildings was widely expressed by individuals hostile to the Convoy’s aims.  The Prime Minster received a death threat!

Given the intent by the government to spread the idea of violence and threats of violence, the friendly reception that Conservative politicians such as Pierre Poilievre and Candice Bergen received while walking amid the protesters undercut the portrayal of violence. These people were subjected to intense and personal criticism by government members.  They were giving aid and comfort to white supremacists, racists, fascists, misogynists, people of “unacceptable views,” disbelievers in science, and takers-up of space, allegedly.  The violent rhetoric all seemed to be coming from the government side, not the Convoy or its friends.

But allegations of violence was not enough.  The economic consequences of the blockade were thrown onto the scale, and we’ve heard ministerial testimony relating what others said to them, that Canada was being made a laughing stock, that the U.S. was getting mad at us, etc.  All unverified, and all irrelevant to the concept of serious violence against persons or property.

Another mystery yet to be resolved by the hearings is how the Convoy came to become an illegal occupation.  Exhaustion with the Convoy’s insistence on its being heard does not in itself make the Convoy illegal or violent against persons or property.  Violating city parking by-laws on Wellington Street, Ottawa, does not make the Convoy an illegal occupation.  Premier Doug Ford of Ontario may have been the first to say that the Convoy was illegal, but that does not make it so.  Nevertheless, government ministers have taken pains to refer to the Convoy as illegal.  Which, let it be said, does not in itself constitute an act or threat of serious violence against persons or property.

Let’s turn now to the business of “for the purpose of achieving a political, religious, or ideological objective.”  We can disregard religious and focus on political and ideological.  The Trudeau government is philosophically progressive, which makes everything political a battle of ideologies.  That’s why to discredit the Convoy, the government made all kinds of references to unsavory ideologies, like white supremacism, fascism, racism, etc.  But objectively speaking the Convoy wanted a political goal: a reversal of policy on the vaccine mandate on truckers who cross the border.  The Trudeau government saw the Convoy as a challenge to its power.  Who has power, and who makes the decisions, are central to progressive ideologues.  They believe in rule of experts, precisely as occurred during the COVID pandemic.  The Trudeau government was exercising its power to deliver on the rule by expert, and hence cannot possibly bow to the wishes of truckers, who aren’t experts.

This may go to explain why the Trudeau government never, ever contemplated parlaying with the Convoy.  “This is a democracy, we can’t talk to protesters!  They’re not experts!”  And the campaign to discredit the Convoy served that end, of making parlaying with the Convoy either impossible or unnecessary.

When the Convoy protesters proved tougher and more persistent than the government imagined, it determined, contrary to fact, that the Convoy protest was “directed toward or in support of the threat or use of acts of serious violence against persons or property.”

Holding to that legal fiction is crucial to the government maintaining that the invocation of the EA was necessary and justified.  That’s what we’re getting from government ministers.

-30-

 

Wednesday, November 23, 2022

Emergencies Act Hearings: Betrayed by a lawyer

Vincent J,.Curtis

23 Nov 22

Much has been made of the fact that Section 16 of the Emergencies Act (EA) was tied to Section 2 of the CSIS Act.  Section 16 of the EA states what constitutes a threat to the security of Canada.  Section 16 reads in part: “threats to the security of Canada has the same meaning assigned by Section 2 of the [CSIS] Act.”

Throughout the hearings we heard from cabinet ministers and the PCO that they had received legal advice from the Department of Justice that “context” mattered, and that a plain English reading of the definition of a “Public Order Emergency” didn’t mean what it apparently said.  The definition of a Public Order Emergency in Section 16 of the EA really didn’t have the same meaning of Section 2 of the CSIS Act.

Attorney-General and Minister of Justice David Lametti was the DoJ lawyer who gave the Cabinet that advice.  Lametti is a highly accomplished lawyer, a professor of law who had written several learned articles on law, and admiration for his work was expressed by Convoy lawyer Branden Miller.  Lametti was calm, knowledgeable, utterly confident, and forthright, in contrast to many of his ministerial colleges.  When asked how it could be that the plain wording of the EA did not mean what it said, Lametti maintained that the two Acts were for different purposes, and decisions of the cabinet could not be tied to decisions by CSIS.

The lawyer for the CCLA presented Lametti with the Hansard text of MND Perrin Beatty, who shepherded Bill C-77, which became the EA, through parliament.  In debate, Beatty said that the wording of Section 16 was connected to Section 2 of the CSIS Act because the wording of Section 16 was likely to be extremely contentious and the wording of Section 2 of CSIS had already received the blessing of parliament.  When confronted with legislative intent, Lametti was unmoved.  The two are different, he maintained.

But Lametti also relied on Solicitor-Client privilege (the client being the Governor-in-Council) not to disclose the advice he gave to the Cabinet as to what Section 16 did mean in respect of a Public Order Emergency.  The de facto legal meaning of what is a public order emergency in Canada thus is held in secret, protected by Solicitor-Client privilege and by Cabinet secrecy!

A major advantage of invoking the EA was the ability to impose financial sanction against those participating in the “illegal protest and occupation of downtown Ottawa.”  This included not only the freezing of bank accounts but the suspension of insurance policies.  The lawyer for the government of Saskatchewan probed this seizure of power because that power impinged upon the sovereign jurisdiction of the provinces.  Credit unions are provincially chartered, and ostensibly the Federal government was issuing them orders, disregarding and bypassing provincial authority.  Likewise, auto insurance is a provincial matter, and in Saskatchewan is controlled directly by the government.  In this sphere also the Federal government was claiming powers over provincial entities.

Lametti agreed that the Federal government did assert that power under the EA, and that that assertion had constitutional significance, but it was only for a short time and was proportional to the emergency.  In short, Lametti was arguing that it was only the nose of the camel that entered the tent, and only briefly.

Lametti was not questioned about how exactly the Freedom Convoy became an illegal protest and occupation, since this had to be the case before the EA was invoked.  However, he was certain that it was when the EA was invoked, without explaining how that status came to be.  He did not explain why the government did not parlay in any way with the Convoy.

Thus it was Canada’s top lawyer, and probably one of Canada’s best lawyers, that betrayed the legislators who passed the EA thinking they understood what Section 16 meant.  He betrayed Canadians who relied on a plain English meaning of the words that appeared to be in plain English.

But if a plain English reading of plain English words was all there was to the law, there’d be far less need for lawyers, wouldn’t there?

-30-

 

Emergencies Act Hearings: Hoaxing the media

Vincent J. Curtis

23 Nov 22

The public has heard a lot in recent years, since the beginning of the COVID pandemic, of misinformation and disinformation.  The two are closely related in that they both are offerings of falsehoods.  Engaging in them was subject to the harshest penalties on social media during the COVID pandemic, namely cancellation; to the point where cancellation itself became a point of contention.  What was one scientist’s opinion or facts, was deemed misinformation by the poohbahs of social media – non-scientists who believed they knew science better than actual scientists did.

Hoaxing has to do with a physical action.  Something is done by a cause’s sympathizer to make it appear that evil was done by the cause’s opponents.  Hoaxes are common on the political left, and they are effective because they play to the biases of leftists.  When caught, the excuse is that the hoaxer was speaking to “a larger truth.”  That larger truth might be racism writ large, or sexism writ large.  And so hoaxing does not discredit the cause.  A good hoax confirms the prejudices.

It’s become clear at the hearings that within a couple of days of the organization of the Freedom Convoy, political operatives within the Liberal government began a campaign of disinformation to discredit the Convoy.  The display of a confederate flag and a Nazi flag were hoaxes perpetrated by party hirelings, and pounced on by Prime Minister Trudeau to justify his refusal to deal with the Convoy protest.  The protestor were morally execrable to left wing opinion and justifiably held in contempt.

What made the Convoy dangerous to progressive opinion was the support it had, financial and displayed on the trip to Ottawa, and that the members of the Convoy were largely salt-of-the-earth working class Canadians, owner-operators for the most part, who had paid taxes for decades – business taxes, income taxes, fuel taxes, and road taxes.  It is dangerous to the regime when the middle class gets discontented, and hence the campaign to discredit the Convoy as right-wing extremists, white supremacists, racists, and misogynists.  After all, what could be worse than a right-wing extremist?  Labelling them in this manner is an example of disinformation.

The political left has long been expert in organization.  One group supports another; networking below the radar and “fronts” are routine.  A common tactic on the left is to accuse their opponents of doing the very thing they are doing, or to dilute and pollute the meaning of a term by using that same term for a different thing.  What frightens the left the most is when a mainstream political movement adopts their tactics.  Employing the tactics of protest learned from watching the left is what the Freedom Convoy fell into.  Protesting was done this way; that is what the truckers learned, and so that’s how they went about it.  No wonder alarm bells went off on the left.

What has occurred to no one in the media, or in the Liberal government, is that mainstream Canada has been subjected to enormous pressure because of COVID measures.  People were locked down and kept from working.  They had to wear masks.  They had to get vaccinated just to go into a restaurant or stay at a hotel.  They couldn’t travel.  They couldn’t visit loved ones.  They couldn’t assemble in any numbers.  Families were kept apart at Christmas, to save grandma’s life.  People were fined for being the only person in a park outdoors or on an outdoors skating rink.  Ordinary people were being hammered by the law for doing things they used to take for granted.  It was all for saving the health care system, you understand.  You don’t want to kill grandma, do you?  The psychological pressure was enormous, and news that the measures were just guesses, not based on science, and might actually be counter-productive was ruthlessly suppressed as misinformation, just this side of criminal.  Only one position was tolerated, and no contrary opinions were entertained or aired in the MSM.  The full panoply of left wing moral force was employed to enforce progressivist ideas about social control – for the good of the masses, you understand.  But that didn’t mean that a lot of people didn’t become aware of what was being said out of the mainstream.

As I mentioned yesterday, the domestic intelligence agencies of Canada are directed against right-wing groups, characterized as IMVEs – Ideologically Motivated Violent Extremists.  Extinction Rebellion, BLM, and Antifa would never get labelled like this, but Promise Keepers and The Proud Boys get the full treatment.  Never mind that a meeting of Canadian Proud Boys could be held in a phone booth.  The group Diagolon, which had I never heard of before and which has a following of perhaps 100 on Twitter were the boogey-men of the Convoy.  Guilt by association was the tactic, and when the MSM are on your side, the evil and danger of violence by the association of a group few have heard of is said to be the secret agenda of the Convoy.

The fact that mainstream Canadians were fed up with the pressure the government, provincial and federal, had imposed for two years, and the continual propaganda pressure in the MSM to the effect that you’re evil and are killing people if you don’t follow the government’s instructions and are morally evil even to express a contrary opinion had gotten to the point that people were starting to rebel.  Nobody in the MSM and the Federal government could see that.  What they saw was rebellion against their authority and to their ideas of what ought to be done and what was right.  The left can’t tolerate that.

To counteract this challenge to Liberal Party rule, political operatives organized a campaign of disinformation against the Freedom Convoy to discredit it and to destroy the threat it posed to Liberal government orthodoxy.  The Convoy had people in it who had “unacceptable views” and stories were planted in the MSM of “violent rhetoric” and threats of “violence.”  Friendly government employees willing cooperated in the campaign, offering themselves as victims of the Convoy.  Agents-provocateurs were infiltrated into the Convoy on the first weekend, in order to discredit the Convoy and create the propaganda conditions first to refuse to parlay with the Convoy, and then to destroy it when it refused to leave and demanded an audience with Canada’s elected politicians who run the Canadian government.

Soon, reports of violence and the complaints of alleged victims started filling the MSM, and any sympathy shown to the Convoy, as for example by Pierre Poilievre, were said to be examples of moral reprobation, of heartlessness towards the Convoy’s victims of their violence. The list of Convoy victims is long: the entire city of Ottawa, Chief Peter Sloly, the city of Windsor, the Windsor Police, the village of Coutts, the RCMP who might have been subjected to violence, but weren’t, the economy, auto workers, non-involved Trucking companies, and everyone who was frightened by the threat of possible violence.  The Prime Minister received death threats!  There were demonstrations at politician’s private residences, including Doug Ford and Steven Lecce (oops, scratch that last one.  That was done by CUPE.)

The Convoy was plain was just plain wrong: Canada is a democracy, and we can’t have mainstream, middle class Canadians demanding that the government of a democracy change its policies!  Especially if they’re from Alberta!!

The reports of victimhood filled the MSM, and became the basis for the “reports” the PCO was receiving and what RCMP and CSIS intelligence was picking up.  Unverified news reports in a government friendly MSM panicked the PCO who didn’t understand that the threats of violence was reverberations in the media echo chamber set up by political operatives of the government.

It will become clear today that the primary tool brought in by the Emergencies Act was the financial power to seize and freeze bank accounts.  By lying about the Convoy, the city of Ottawa got the $10 million donated to GoFundMe frozen.  But high profile arrests and the freezing of accounts is what scared people into leaving.  People who had donated in sympathy were fearful that the government would take their life savings.  It was made illegal for sympathetic Ottawans (yes, there were many people in Ottawa who supported the Convoy) from bringing in supplies like diesel fuel.  The city of Ottawa raised the prospect of seizing the young children of Convoy members on grounds of child abuse, and this raised a serious prospect of violence, which frightened the PCO.

The police didn’t ask for the EA.  Minster of Public Safety Marco “Mendacity” Mendicino inferred or concluded that that’s what they were asking for.  Never mind police request is not the criterion for invoking the EA, it’s a threat to the security of Canada as defined in the CSIS Act, but that too didn’t matter.  The government got its own lawyer to say that the plain English wording didn’t mean what it said, and so the EA could be declared if the Convoy didn’t simply disperse.  The fact that protests had been dispersed in Coutts and Windsor didn’t matter – they could return, you know!

The legislative safeguards in the EA proved useless, and shown to be nothing but a parchment guarantee.  If the government has the MSM on its side, it can ride roughshod over the law.

Hoaxing and a disinformation campaign by political operatives in the Liberal government and a friendly, unquestioning media enable the government to avoid parlay with the Convoy, and made its destruction possible.

-30-

Tuesday, November 22, 2022

Emergencies Act Hearing: The Echo Chamber

Vincent J. Curtis

22 Nov 22

Today’s hearings will be remembered for Freedom Convoy lawyer Brendan Miller getting kicked out of the hearings and being booted from the building.  The more interesting develops nevertheless occurred in the hearing room.  Public Safety Minister Marco “Mendacity” Mendicino and Intergovernmental Affairs Minister Dominic LeBlanc were today’s witnesses.  Luckily, lawyer Miller was allowed to return to question Mendicino.

What’s becoming clear in the hearings is that an echo chamber or a feedback loop began to arise before the Convoy even arrived in Ottawa on January 29th.  We saw evidence yesterday that on or before January 26th, political appointees within the Federal government were planning and planting a narrative intended to discredit the Convoy.  Alexander Cohen was seen to be coordinating political messaging with the PMO, and Mr. Cohen actually attended the hearing that morning.  This was one cause, perhaps, for lawyer Miller’s explosion.

Mendicino took an opportunity to throw Brenda Lucki under the bus, again.  He blamed her for his panicked views.  When asked about his statements that the police services were asking for an invocation of the EA, it became clear that he inferred or concluded that that’s what they either wanted or needed.  No police service ever asked for an invocation.  I doubt the OPS or the OPP were even aware of the existence of the EA.

It came out in the hearings that Bill Blair spoke to Global and CBC reporters about a possible invocation of the EA on February 13th.  He said that all measurers were on the table.  But that these well-sourced reporters asked Blair specifically about invoking the EA meant that somebody leaked.  This leak has not been investigated.  Secrecy over and swift invocation after talking about the EA was deemed essential for its success by the PCO.

The political messaging from the beginning was to the effect that the Convoy was dominated or infiltrated with Ideological right-wing extremists who employed violent rhetoric and may engage in actual violence in Ottawa.  The Convoy members were Nazis, etc.  A January 6th could happen.  Today, we saw a communication from Alberta Premier Jason Kenny to Minister LeBlanc describing the new mandate on truckers as being mere political theatre, giving the contagiousness of the disease, and calling the truckers Nazis was wrong and inflaming of opinion.  Kenney, as a shrewd politician himself, could see what the Trudeau government was doing.

The emphasis on right-wing extremism is a dog-whistle to the mainstream media: CBC, CTV, Global, the Globe and Mail, and the Toronto Star particularly.  The MSM are all, to varying degrees, on the progressive left; some leaning more into it than others.  Rebel News, by comparison, is considered right of center and is widely condemned as a right-wing pariah.  The prospect of a white supremacist revolt against good sense, with the prospect of a January 6th event in Canada, with guns, violence, violent and outlandish rhetoric and views,  played into the prejudices of Canada’s MSM.  It wasn’t long before reports of violence and violent rhetoric began to appear in the MSM.

Canada’s intelligence services are, not surprisingly, attuned to right-wing extremism.  Ideologically Motivated Violent Extremists may consume as much as half the attention of CSIS.  Antifa, BLM, Transgender Activists, and other extremism on the political left is cool, so far as the Liberal government, and consequently the intelligence services, are concerned.  Prime Minister Trudeau famously took a knee on Parliament Hill in the midst of a COVID pandemic wave at the behest of BLM.  Engagement with them was no problem.  (Interestingly, Antifa made no appearance anywhere during the Convoy protests, which you would think they would do if the Convoy were comprised of fascist and Nazis.)

Yesterday, Convoy lawyer Miller entered into evidence that Brian Fox of Enterprise Canada, a strategic messaging group employed by the Liberal Party, was in fact the man carrying the upside down Canadian flag with a swastika on it.  Today, both Fox and Enterprise were vociferously denying it, but today Miller said he had an affidavit to the effect that Fox was, indeed, the man.  Miller also said that a photographer closely associated with Prime Minster Trudeau took the photograph of Fox holding the flag.  This was the subject of media reports at the time, all saying that Trudeau’s photographer did not do so.  Regardless, an affidavit is strong evidence.  When Miller asked Mendicino about it, Mendicion put on a blank expression and said he knew nothing about Fox or the Liberal Party’s engagement of Enterprise.

The senior bureaucracy, and I include RCMP Commissioner Lucki, lived in a cocoon during the protests. They often testified to “getting reports of” violence, threats of violence, guns, and so forth.  They were getting these reports from the television, on news reports that were getting fed information from political operatives elsewhere within the Trudeau government.  They were faithfully reporting leaks from political operatives who supposedly had inside information that were discrediting of the Convoy.  It would be like Adam Schiff telling the New York Times in February, 2017, that the evidence existed connecting Trump to Russia.  Being the ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, Schiff would be in a position to know, so the Times ran with story without a second source.  Schiff may well have believed such evidence existed, but it didn’t.

The political operatives in the Trudeau government were feeding false and discrediting information to the media, and this news was being consumed as fact by the intelligence agencies and the PCO.  Let’s keep in mind the private definitions of violence that ran rampant in Ottawa.  Former Ottawa Police Chief Peter Sloly spoke of “assaultive behavior,” except that assault never occurred.  The blowing of horns was “assaultive.”  Nowadays, misgendering someone is consider violent.  And the meaning of violence was also shown not to be “violence” in the common understanding of the term in the testimony of Minister Bill Blair, but had a proprietary meaning that Blair could assign to anything he disapproved of.

That the heavy handedness of the COVID restrictions were sparking a reaction was itself taken as a sign of evil mindednessat today’s hearings.  President Donald Trump’s declaration of support for the Convoy at a political rally in the U.S. was offered as foreign malign influence by government lawyers at the hearing today.

No senior member of government, bureaucrat or elected official, ever put on mufti, mixed with the Convoy, and used their own eyes and ears to evaluate what was actually going on.  It wasn’t dangerous, as Conservative politicians routinely walked among and through the protest on a daily basis.

Today, Mendicion said that government workers in his department were intimidated from going to work because of the Convoy, and many of those workers lived in the affected area.  We’re supposed to believe this, notwithstanding that government workers worked from home because of COVID restrictions, and Mendicino only interacts with his office staff and does not take attendance of the workers of his department.  Again, received “reports.”

The PCO and senior bureaucrats were panicked by fears of January 6th and violence through “reports” which they didn’t check for themselves by personal inspection, which was easily possible.  The discrediting of the Convoy seemed to confirm everyone’s biases.

Finally, today, it was put to Minister LeBlanc, in the context of Premier Kenney’s derision, why wasn’t engagement with the protesters ever considered.  LeBlanc was an impressive witness for his candor, and he said that the mandate was imposed upon the best advice to the government, and that was that.  Engagement was never seriously considered because the Convoy was simply wrong in its demands.

The Federal government was frustrated because provincial authorities were not working strenuously enough to break up the protests, the country was reaching an emotional climax to the thinking of Ontario Premier Doug Ford, and the Federal government was starting to look really bad.  Ontario, Alberta, and Saskatchewan began lifting provincial COVID mandates before the EA was declared, for both medical and political reasons, to lessen the press on the Canadian public.

Notwithstanding the opposition from most provincial premiers to the invocation, and despite it not meeting the legal threshold, Trudeau declared the EA at a press conference late on the afternoon of February 14.  The echo chamber had prepared the PCO, the media, and the public for the invocation.

-30-

 

Monday, November 21, 2022

Emergencies Act hearings: Liberal Dirty Tricks

Vincent J. Curtis

21 Nov 22

Monday’s hearings featured Director of CSIS Vignault and Federal Minister of Public Safety Bill Blair.  The major revelations of the day were the Liberal dirty tricks directed against the Freedom Convoy, and how the definition of a Public Order Emergency came to be corrupted.

In his testimony, Bill Blair revealed that the Emergencies Act (EA) was one of the tools considered real early in the timeline, perhaps even before the Convoy arrived in Ottawa on January 28, and certainly no later than February 4th, the Sunday of the second weekend.

Both Vignault and Blair argued that “context” mattered in the interpretation of the Public Order Emergency S16 provision of the EA, which states explicitly that it has the same meaning as S2 of the CSIS Act.  On either February 9 or 10, 2022, the CSIS Director received the legal advice from the Department of Justice of Canada that S16 of the EA didn’t really mean what it said in plain English, and that other things could constitute threats to the security of Canada.  As the Convoy protest was about to enter its third weekend, the EA was being readied for invocation.  Plainly the criterion of the EA wasn’t met, and CSIS could not in good conscience conjure it, and so likely the DM Department of Justice came up with this escape hatch, freeing everyone’s conscience.  This freeing of conscience also opened the door to private definitions of violence to substitute for common understanding of violence.  Because these definitions were private, they went unchallenged and were unchallengeable, in addition to keeping consciences clean.

The campaign to discredit the Convoy began on January 28, before the Convoy arrived in Ottawa.  Alexander Cohen first revealed it in an email to Mary-Liz Power.  Cohen is the press secretary to the Minister of Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship, while Power is the issues advisor to the Prime Minister.  The message was to be that the Convoy was infiltrated by Ideologically Motivated Political Extremists.  The “Liberal Research Bureau” was also prominent in finding means to discredit the protests.

One of the incidents mentioned by Prime Minster Trudeau as reason for his contempt and condemnation of the Convoy was the presence of certain flags carried in the vicinity of the Convoy.  One of those was an upside down Canadian flag with a swastika on it.  Interestingly, this was revealed in an opinion piece in Liberal organ the Toronto Star.  Convoy lawyer Branden Miller identified the carrier of that flag as Brian Fox, of Enterprise Canada.  Fox is a former journalist with the Windsor Star and boasts expertise on crisis communication and branding.  As I stated previously and at the time, the flag carriers were obvious plants, agents-provocateurs, though at the time I suspected ACORN as the agency planting the discrediting flag bearer.  (Another tell is the use of the swastika.  If the flag bearer had been anti-Liberal, the taunt would have been a hammer and sickle, symbolizing communism, not a swastika indicating the Liberal government were fascist.  Convoy lawyer Branden Miller revealed that Enterprise Canada works for the Liberal Party of Canada.)

It shocked the lawyers to hear that CSIS Director Vignault actually recommended to the Prime Minister that the EA be invoked after the Cabinet meeting of February 13th was concluded.  When asked why and how, given his knowledge of the tie in between CSIS criterion and the EA, it was revealed he had been given the “context” excuse and the advice from the DoJ.  He won’t get fired on Tuesday.

Bill Blair’s testimony was an exercise in gaslighting, obfuscation, diversion, evasion, and time-wasting clarifications.  But it was telling what he was gaslighting, obfuscating, etc. over.  Fear allegedly arising in others, apparently, is a form of violence on your part, according to Blair.  On January 27, before the Convoy arrived in Ottawa, Liberal messaging was already firm on labelling the protestors as extremists, that they were threating acts of violence, and inciting hatred, and expressing unacceptable views that did not reflect the opinion of the majority of Canadians.  The government condemned in the strongest terms the hatful and violent rhetoric of the Convoy.  This messaging appeared in an email from Caroline Williams to Mary-Liz Power, with a cc to Zita Astrava, Blair’s chief of staff.  Caroline Williams was an officer of Innovation, Science, and Economic Development Canada.  Labeling the protesters in this manner was going to be the government’s response.

Sarah Jackson is the office manager of the chief of staff of the Prime Minister.  In a note on February 4th to Katie Telford, chief of staff to the Prime Minister, she describes Blair’s strategy as invoking the EA was revealed. In an interview on Global News given at 8:00 pm on February 13th, as revealed by lawyer Miller, Blair said that the EA had been considered from “the first day.”  On Feb 7th, Blair in an email said the Convoy was an “unlawful occupation.”  On February 11, Blair was sent a email from DM Public Safety Rob Stewart with an attachment for review from the OPP.  It was a proposal to engage politically with the protesters.  Blair was opposed to ministers of government engaging with the protesters.  Lawyer Miller put it to Blair that it was common for police to request political engagement, but Blair and Trudeau backed themselves into a corner because they would have to engage with Nazis and extremists.  Miller also presented the proposal dated February 12th entitled “Proposal: Trucker Protest Engagement.  Protected Advice to Ministers.”  When asked, “What’s the problem with this,” Blair resorted to gaslighting, “I did not express a problem with this.” And then diverted to something else.

Miller moved in for the kill by bringing up the fact that the government had repeatedly said that police had said the threshold for the EA had been reached, and requested its invocation.  Blair replied, “I don’t agree with you.”  Blair repeatedly said he disagreed with the question.  Then Miller asked Blair to agree that police forces had never asked for the EA.  Blair, after a stunned pause, replied that that question was never put to the police services and that it would be inappropriate to ask them.

The Liberal plan from the beginning was revealed on Monday.  It was to discredit the Convoy with false accusations, plants, leaks to favorable media of false reports and suspicions, and then hope that the Convoy exhausted itself.  Blair began preparing to invoke the EA before the Convoy even arrived in Ottawa. The plan was never to engage with the protesters. even though it was advised to do so by law enforcement.  If the Convoy couldn’t be destroyed by info ops, the Liberal government plan was that it would be destroyed by force.

-30-

Sunday, November 20, 2022

Emergencies Act Hearings: The PCO panics

Vincent J. Curtis

20 Nov 22

Believers in civil liberties would be chilled to the bone to have heard the testimony of senior Privy Council Office officials at the Emergencies Act hearings last week.  Protections in law against the malicious invocation of the EA and uses of extraordinary powers by the executive government don’t exist when the PCO deems them not to exist.

The legitimacy of the declaration of the Emergencies Act boils down to what a “Public Order Emergency” is.  Section 2 of the CSIS Act of 1985 defines what ‘a threat to the security of Canada’ is.  The four elements are: espionage or sabotage, foreign influenced activities detrimental to the interest of Canada, terrorism and terrorist violence, and violent overthrow of the constitutional order of Canada.

Section 16 of the Emergencies Act of 1985 says that a Public Order Emergency arises from a threat to the security of Canada, and that ‘a threat to the security of Canada’ “has the meaning assigned to it by the [CSIS] Act.”

Jody Thomas is the National Security and Intelligence Advisor to the Prime Minister and is a member of the PCO.  She coldly disagreed with the plain English reading of the text of Section 16 of the EA.  And she wouldn’t discuss it.  “You’re a lawyer and I am not,” said Thomas when asked under cross-examination by Freedom Corp. lawyer Brandon Miller to explain how she maintained that a plain English reading of the Section 16 text didn’t mean what it said.  And Thomas refused to answer further questions on it.  Thomas admitted that she had no formal training or prior experience in intelligence or security.

Thomas revealed she believed that the intelligence reports she received from CSIS, the RCMP, and the CSE were not sufficient for her to do her job completely, and so she started an intelligence gathering and assessment unit within her office.  She gathers open source intelligence on persons and organizations within Canada of interest to her, unfettered by the legal restrictions that bind CSIS and the RCMP.  When pressed on this matter by lawyer Miller, Thomas admitted that “Parliament hasn’t given us authority, but it exists and it continues.”  This is another point the legality of which Thomas refused to discuss.

If that wasn’t chilling enough, it got worse when Clerk of the Privy Council, Janice Charette, and Deputy Clerk Nathalie Drouin were questioned on Friday.  Drouin is an award-winning lawyer from Quebec who previously served as Deputy Attorney-General and Minister of Justice of Canada.  She was once the government of Canada’s senior-most lawyer and was responsible for overseeing the drafting of parliamentary bills.

These two testified together.  They also were challenged that the criterion of a Public Order Emergency was specifically tied to Section 2 of the CSIS Act, as a plain English reading appears to say, “a ‘threat to the security of Canada’ has the meaning assigned to it by the [CSIS] Act.”  Charette insisted that there were other things that constituted a threat to the security of Canada that lay beyond Section 2 of the CSIS Act, but not being a lawyer couldn’t explain herself and deferred to her Deputy.  Drouin claimed that the meaning of the meaning depended on “context.”  And that was that.  There was not enough time left to the lawyers to explore this contention.

To reach her position, Drouin had to violate the canons of parliamentary drafting and interpretation, obviously.  The CSIS Act and the EA were passed by the same set of legislators during the Mulroney government, and if a legislator reads that the meaning of a term of one bill has the same meaning assigned to it as a previous bill, then it is impossible to know that that wasn’t true, and that “context” mattered, whatever that meant.  This was the assertion that Canada’s former top lawyer made under oath.

The mad-hatter world of words meaning whatever we want them to mean whenever we want them to mean it came to be in Ottawa.

The problem the PCO had lay in the fact that the director of CSIS determined that a threat to the security of Canada was not posed by the Freedom Convoy protest in Ottawa, or in the sympathy blockades at the Ambassador Bridge; Emerson, Manitoba; Coutts, Alberta; and in British Columbia.  There was no violence, sabotage, espionage, threats of terrorism, foreign influence, or the violent overthrow of the constitutional order of Canada by the protests against government-imposed COVID mandates.

The head of CSIS issued a second threat assessment for the Cabinet meeting of February 13, which was to discuss threat posed by the invocation of the EA itself.  The PCO witnesses tried to fudge his two assessments.  The second CSIS assessment was that the invocation of the EA itself could inflame passions, and create the very conditions of violence the EA was allegedly to be invoked against.

It is obvious that the persistence of the protest in Ottawa, as well as the spontaneous eruption of sympathy blockades panicked the PCO.  The Freedom Convoy was supposed to disperse after the first weekend, having had their say and having had it ignored.  The non-lawyer Clerk determined that the protest in Ottawa became illegal after the first weekend, when the Convoy refused to disperse.  Parking by-laws in Ottawa were flagrantly being violated, for example.  “You can’t park on Wellington Street like that,” she said.  Not being a lawyer, it didn’t occur to her that municipal parking by-laws are superseded by the Charter of Rights, and specifically the right to protest.

Charette became annoyed that the provinces weren’t fully utilizing their police powers to disperse the protests.  Strangely, what has never been asked, is why was political negotiation never considered as an option?  All the courses of action proposed to the government by the PCO were variations on the use of force by government to disperse the protests.

Another fiction that needed to be maintained, and was maintained by the Clerk and her Deputy, was that the emergency could not be confined to one province.  If all the protests occurred in Ontario, then an essential criterion for the invocation of the EA wasn’t met.  The sympathy blockades in BC and Manitoba were gone by February 14, the date of invocation, and the blockade at Coutts voluntarily began dispersing on the morning of February 14 after firearms were discovered among some troublemakers, and the protest organizers decided that their message was now hopelessly compromised.  That left Ontario as the only province in which protests remained.

To evade the letter of the law, the Deputy Clerk argued that it was possible for protests in other provinces and at the Ambassador Bridge to return, and the possibility of their return was sufficient to meet the multi-province extent of the emergency required to invoke the EA.

Further evidence of panic within the PCO was given by their reliance on unverified news reports to bolster their claim that a Section 2 CSIS threat was not the only threat that could lead to the invocation of the EA.  “We had reports of violence,” “We heard reports that children were being used as human shields,” said Deputy Drouin.  “The Prime Minster received a death threat,” intoned Clerk Charette.  It was not explored who made the threat, how it was received, or how often the PM gets threats on a routine basis.  The diversion was meant to imply that the Freedom Convoy was somehow responsible for the death threat against Trudeau.

The basis for the invocation of the EA lies in tatters.  It was invoked unlawfully, but there is no penalty in law for doing so.  The EA was invoked because the Prime Minister did not want to parlay with the protesters, and the provinces were not using their full police powers to restore order, in the eyes of the PCO-PMO, for that would protect Trudeau from having to parlay.  Provincial authorities weren’t prepared to sacrifice their popularity to protect the leader of the Federal government from the consequences of his own excesses.

This week the political leadership testify before the Commission.

-30-

Correction/Clarification 22-11-21-01:00: Deputy Drouin listed the main things that amounted to a threat to the security of Canada.  In her broken English, it is hard to make sense of what she said, but it boils down to panic in the PCO.  The threats of serious violence strayed into “we heard that some players, ING (perhaps some Ideologically Motivated Violent Extremist group), were present at some of the protests.”  “We heard of the presence of firearms.”  Then some reference to hearing of structural economic[inaudible] support our workers.”  “We heard impacts on our trade relationship.”  “CBSA [inaudible] disrupted ports of entry.”  Remember, these were supposed to be examples of violence.


Friday, November 18, 2022

Are tanks obsolete?

Vincent J. Curtis

31 Aug 22

Are tanks obsolete?  How many times has this question been asked?

Tanks made their debut at the Battle of the Somme in 1916.  Mechanically unreliable, they failed miserably.  Upgraded and improved, those modern day war-elephants performed much better at the Battle of Cambrai in 1917.  A mass tank attack broke through German defenses and saved a lot of casualties.  So impressive was their performance that a “Plan 1919” was developed in which a massively mechanized British Army would break through prepared German defenses, rampage the German rear, enable engagement in the open field, and ultimately drive a weakened German Army back over the Rhine.

The Hundred Days campaign, spearheaded by the Canadian Expeditionary Force, put Plan 1919 into the realm of speculation.  Speculation about armoured warfare made people like Capt. Basil Liddell Hart and Maj-Gen J.F.C. Fuller famous between the wars.  Some German officers, notably Heinz Guderian, paid close attention to these writings on armoured warfare, and German thinking on the subject was highly developed when Germany began to rearm in violation of the Versailles Treaty.

The Germans worked secretly with the Soviet Union on mechanized and airborne warfare in the 1930s.  The Soviets developed highly advanced tanks for the period, but as a result of Stalin’s purges of the late 1930s, they lacked the brains to operate them to their full potential.  The result was that despite the Germans slicing through Poland and France with Panzer Is, IIs, and IIIs, the Soviets bogged down in Finland while operating T-26s.  The Russians had the T-34 and KV-1 when Barbarossa opened, but superior German training and tactics more than made up for the chasm of capability between a T-34 and a Panzer III or short-barrelled Panzer IV.

World War II brought the tank into its own.  Immediately afterwards, however, the tank was obsolete again, easy prey to airpower, improved bazookas, and hollow-charge munitions.

Then Korea came along. Suddenly, old Shermans had to be pressed into service alongside M48 Pattons.  The Europeans were not keen on Europe becoming a nuclear battlefield should the Warsaw Pact attack through the Fulda Gap, and so tanks were developed to meet a Soviet onslaught featuring the T-54/55 tank.

Fast forward past 73 Easting to the Dark Decade of the CF: 1994-2004.  Our Leopard Is (the replacements of our post-WWII Centurions) are forty years old.  Our generals are inventing maneuver warfare doctrine without tanks (“medium weight”).  Trouble being, the AFVs were so light, so lacking in armour protection, that the recoil from a gun big enough to knockout a T-72 at range would knock it over.  Then came Afghanistan, 2006.

Canada put its Leopards into Afghanistan, and what a difference!  When Canadians showed up with a Leopard, the Taliban didn’t want to come out to play.  IEDs were not as terrifying.  And it was better for the environment – both human and natural – to punch a hole in a wall with a 105 than drop a 500 pounder into the compound behind it

Which bring us to the Ukraine.  What tanks offer is firepower, mobility, and protection.  It’s been known since WWI that tanks can’t hold ground and are vulnerable when shorn of infantry protection.  The American Javelin missile is destressing because it can destroy a tank at a range of 3 km.  The missile flies towards the tank, then rises and attacks the thin top armour.  The weakness of the Javelin is that it is sub-sonic, and therefore slow.  Technology and tactics have yet to be developed to cope with the Javelin.

But, where there’s a will, there’s a way, and somewhere boffins are at work devising the means of coping with the Javelin.

The mechanically reliable tank with well-trained crews and good doctrine of employment brings firepower, mobility, and protection to the battlefield.  It will be a long time before that combination is rendered obsolete.  The battle between gun and armour has stabilized, and a new technological war is opening.  But the tank will remain.

-30-

 

 

Wednesday, November 16, 2022

Is methane a fossil fuel?

Vincent J. Curtis

16 Nov 22

Titan is the planet Saturn’s largest mood.  One of its unusual features is that it has rivers, lakes, and oceans of liquid methane and ethane.  Yes, that methane, sometimes referred to on earth as natural gas.  How on earth did Titan end up with so much methane?

What this points to is that methane is not a “fossil fuel,” that is, not the end product of the fossilization of ancient fish life.  The methane on Titan could not have been produced by biological action.  In addition, the deepest natural gas wells on earth go deeper than 10,000 m below the surface.  This is deeper than the subduction of plate tectonics could have carried beds of decaying fish bodies.  (Fish are thought to be the origin of crude oil, and trees the origin of coal beds; hence, the term “fossil fuels” to describe carbonaceous energy sources as the end produces of a kind of fossilization.)

The solar system was at least partially formed by products of a previous supernova.  The earth contains an iron core, and has lots of carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, and silicon.  In addition, it contains plentiful amounts of uranium.  Elements as heavy as iron are produced in the last stages of large, dying stars, whose supernova produces elements as heavy as uranium.  Hence, the earth must be a fragment of an old, giant star’s supernova, as could other bodies in the solar system.

The oceans of methane and ethane on Titan must therefore be the product of this supernova, since methane and ethane couldn’t be produced by biological action on that frozen, lifeless moon of Saturn.  Water, in the form of ice, lies on the surface of Titan, and the moon has a nitrogen atmosphere.

I conclude that methane, ethane, and other small hydrocarbons found at great depth in the earth’s crust are not the products of fossilization, but are the products more or less directly of the supernova that flung off the earth as a tiny fragment.  Some of these fragments of the supernova entered into orbit around the sun and the solar system began.

Natural gas on earth is not a “fossil fuel” because it is not the end product of fossilization.  It is a product directly of the supernova that created the planet earth.

-30-

 

The York U Manifesto

Vincent J. Curtis

16 Nov 22

RE: Is there no other alternative?  Op-ed by Dennis Raphael, professor of health policy at York University, and Tora Bryant, associate professor of health sciences at Ontario Tech University.  The Hamilton Spectator 16 Nov 22.

Like straight out of 1848 comes this call for socialism in the old, manifesto style.  As if old was but brand new, and it was time finally to give it a try.  As if the 20th century never happened, and 100 million people hadn’t died on the altar of socialism.  Luckily, not all of us were born yesterday and enjoy life in the ivory tower.

The most successful socialist country ever is the People’s Republic of China.  How’s its record on the environment?  China produces thirty percent of the world’s CO2 emissions and it’s growing both in volume and proportion.  Chinese industrial centers are famously enshrouded by clouds of pollution.  Chernobyl is another monument to the excellence of socialism.

If you were to describe the Chinese model of socialism, it would be as “unfettered capitalism” with all due regard for the needs of the Party and the Regime.  Post-capitalism looks a lot like old fashioned industrialization.  The Chinese model is highly profitable in the world because it relies on slave labor.  Its handling of COVID outbreaks leaves much to be desired even by Canadian cultural standards.

The common element of philosophical ideologies is that nowhere do they touch reality.  They are proof against empirical evidence, because empiricism pertains to the real world, and reality is often harsh to ideology.

This new call for socialism is simply another example of an ideology being proof against empirical evidence.

-30-