Monday, July 30, 2012

The Great Canadian Pistol Shoot-off

It was announced on July 27, 2012, that the U.S. Marine Corps was going to spend $22.5 million to acquire 12,000 brand new Colt M1911A1's in .45 ACP to replace their aging 9 mm calibre Barretta 92F's.  This announcement reminded me of the piece below, a version of which appeared in Esprit de Corps magazine.

The occasion for the piece below was the contention that Canada's Browning Hi-Powers were failing in Afghanistan, due, it was admitted, to damaged magazines.  Damaged magazines was an excuse to call for the purchase of the Sig Sauer to replace the Browning as Canada's combat pistol.  I disagreed, and recommended an M1911 design in .45 ACP instead as a better replacement for the Hi-Power than then Sig.  The USMC evidently reached a similar conclusion.



By Vincent J. Curtis


6 Sept 06





“Over the years, the Browning Hi-Power 9 mm pistol has become old and obsolete.  Designed in the 1930s and produced in the 1950s, many suffer from repeated stoppages (especially when forced to use decrepit magazines), and are not equipped with night sights (such as tritium sights.)  It is urgent that the Army replace this system with a more modern pistol.”



                                                            From “The Bulletin” Vol 12 No 3, May 2006





The cry has gone out: we need a new pistol.  The Browning is NS.  Time to get something new and better.



To a gun-nut, an announcement like this is like a mating call to a moose.  Not only do we get to indulge in a favourite pastime, talk about guns, but it is a downright patriotic duty to offer advice on what to do.



A survey of guns and calibers would be almost endless, and writing space is limited.  So we’ll cover the most representative guns and the best calibers.  If you’re favorite gun or caliber isn’t here, well, we’re being merciful to the trees.



There are three calibers and four guns to consider.  The calibers are: the 9 mm, the .40 S&W, and the .45 ACP.  The guns are the Browning Hi-Power, the Sig Sauer, the Glock, and the Para-Ordinance M1911.



First the calibers.  The 9 mm would not even have been considered as a fighting caliber on this side of the ocean had not a huge load of French ammunition landed on English shores in June, 1940.  The Sten gun was designed to use this ammunition, and the Browning pistol was also made to use it.  The trouble with the 9 mm is that it lacks stopping power.  It ricochets too easily off buttons and such, but also tends to over-penetrate.  It can go right through because the velocity is so high.  The good point to it is that it doesn’t recoil much.  It is the standard NATO pistol round.



The .40 Smith and Wesson is a new caliber that has been widely adopted by police forces.  It has much the same ballistics as the .45 ACP and has more stopping power than the 9 mm.  Nothing bad can be said about it, except that being a police round, there is lots of non-military spec ammo about.  Easy to make accusations of non-Geneva Convention ammo if a .40 S&W were adopted as the new Canadian pistol caliber.  It is a popular caliber and all military pistols are or can be made in it.



The .45 ACP (for Automatic Colt Pistol) was the ammunition developed for the Colt M1911.  It features a fat, heavy bullet that travels at moderate speed.  It has good knock-down power.  It doesn’t over-penetrate.  And it doesn’t need to expand to do its job.  The draw-back is that all that lead is heavy to carry.  There are literally millions of people who prefer the .45 ACP over the 9 mm.



Now let’s talk about the guns.  I have to disagree with the writer of the quote that the Browning Hi-Power is obsolete.  It works fine, and we have lots of never-used pistols still packed in their original grease that were made during World War II.  If the gun is no good, there is a new replacement for it.  Send the bad one back for overhaul.  The weakness of the Browning, as for all the pistols, is in the magazine.  The mag has to feed the round properly or the pistol jams.



The cheapest and the fastest solution to the pistol problem is to get new mags for them.  Surely somewhere in the $17 Billion in new material expenditures for the CF there is $50,000 in paper clips that can be diverted to having a metal working shop fab up some new mags.  At five bucks apiece, that would be 10,000 new mags for the pistols in Afghanistan.  They could be had in a couple of months.  And put white-out on the sights.



The Sig Sauer is the new pistol in the CF inventory.  Our police carry them.  Everything I’ve heard about the Sig is good.  It is accurate.  It is mechanically very sound.  I’m not a fan of the double action/single action trigger mechanism with its variable trigger pull, but people are getting used to it.   The Sig would be a good replacement for the Browning, but not in the 4 inch barrel length.  It’s got to be 5 inch.  A military pistol has to look right, and a 4 inch barrel doesn’t look right on an auto pistol.



The Glock is another very well made pistol with a high reputation.  Many police forces in Canada have adopted it as the standard issue pistol.  Like the Sig, it combines German engineering and functionality with that German sense of style.  It’s very practical, but you don’t carry it for the looks.



The Para-Ordinance M1911 would be my choice.  It’s made in Canada, and it holds up to fourteen rounds of .45 ACP.  You can’t knock it for lack of ammunition carrying capacity.  And it just looks right.  It’s what a military pistol should look like.  And work like.  The M1911 design is still the most popular among IPSC shooters, and all the Spec Ops folks in the US, from military through the FBI, all use customized variants of the M1911 design.  If the CF were issued M1911s, we could probably trade them for Abrams tanks.  The Yanks would be that jealous.

                                                            -XXX-


Monday, July 23, 2012

Canada'a Army of Tomorrow Concept

Land Operations 2021: Adaptive Dispersed Operations


A Commentary


By Vincent J. Curtis


1 Feb 07


On January 29, 2007, I was privileged to receive from Col J.B. Simms, Director of Land Concepts and Doctrine, a copy of the final draft of Canada's then new Army of Tomorrow Concept: Land Operations 2021: Adaptive Dispersed Operations.  What follows below is my review of that draft.  The actual publication differs from the final draft in the addition of photographs and the deletion of an organizational chart of a deployed battle group.  Some of the paging may also be different.




General Comments



The paper is silent on whether or not the AoT will still employ the X Corps template as a planning model.



The paper is silent on the planning structure of a Canadian Mechanized Division.  It is also silent on the structures of possible Light Infantry Divisions, Airborne Divisions, and Armoured Divisions.



The paper is silent on the issue of jointness of operations with the air and naval elements of the CF.  Although it mentions jointness, it occurs in sections that are evidently borrowed (lifted) from American publications.  There are no planning “sockets” in the AoT for joint interoperability with other CF elements and interagency ops with other Canadian government departments and with the agencies of other governments.



The AoT paper is silent on the future of Canadian airborne capability.



The AoT paper says nothing directly about the future capabilities of Canadian artillery.



The paper is silent on the possible future requirements for the AoT to employ heavy armour.  Although all the planning is centered quite reasonably on a medium weight force (medium weight is a euphemism for “without tanks”), there is not even a gesture toward the possible need for heavy armour.  We have already seen in Afghanistan that heavy armour is an extremely useful component for force protection.  I regard the Afghanistan experience as a falsifying counter-example of the exclusive medium weight focus.



The paper is silent on the matter of tactical aviation.  In particular, the use of aviation platforms such as the AH-64 Apache helicopter and the AC-130 Spectre gunship in future warfighting deployments is not discussed.



The paper seems addicted to the word “exponential.”  Apparently, everything gets worse exponentially.  The word appears on pg 28, para 1 and para 3, pg 40 para 4, pg 41 para 2 para 3, twice in para 4, para 5, and para 6; and pg 42 para 1.  The word exponential is not merely overused, it is incorrectly used.  A doubling of capacity every two years is not exponential growth, it is geometric growth.  But things can also grow worse arithmetically, as well as rapidly, quickly, impetuously, and in many other ways indicating speed.  Exponentially was not used correctly in any of the technical cases to which it was applied.



The AoT paper could usefully have said, but did not, that the Canadian Mechanized Brigade Group remains the basic planning template for groupings larger than a battle group, and that the brigade is the largest grouping expected to be deployed and sustained overseas within the planning timeframe.  An expeditionary grouping will likely be highly modified from the CMBG planning template in order to meet the requirements of the specific mission.  The process of modification for a specific mission is called “task tailoring.”  It is out of the need to be able to “task tailor” overseas deployments that the concept of modularity arises.  Modules of capability are intended employed conceptually in the fashion of “plug and play” in the task-tailored deployed force.



The AoT document seems wherever possible to eschew the use of verbs and Saxon words in preference for euphemisms and abstractions.  Well known Clausewitzian terms like: concentrate, destroy, decision, envelop, annihilate, battle, and victory do not appear in it.  Instead, innocuous sounding expressions like “achieve mission success” and “achieve intended effects” are used.  Not even the expression “gain a decision” can be coaxed out of the fog of harmless sounding language.  The advantage of using Clausewitzian terms is that all their philosophical import is on the table.  An ambiguous expression like “achieve mission success” seems intent on concealing the fact that the purpose of the document to explain how, in future, the Land Force intends to destroy Canada’s enemies in battle, and to gain such a decisive victory that other nations will study the decision as the acme of military prowess.



The paper should state early on the principle that a military force achieves it ends from battle or from the threat of battle.



Doctrinal adaptiveness and flexibility are not themes of the AoT.  Eg. The insistence on the medium weight force as doctrinal, not pro tempore.  Eg. Not using the word “expect” when speaking of the future.



I have never been comfortable with the CF describing itself as a “tactically decisive” force – a description it puts into the mouths of others in the AoT paper.  It sounds self-congratulatory.  And it can at best be an accidental property.  It would be better if the CF described itself as “tactically proficient and capable of producing decisive results.”  Besides being closer to the truth, the statement aims the CF towards tactical proficiency, something it can actually achieve and can measure.  One can never know whether the CF is actually tactically decisive or not until it engages in battle; and even then, it might not be tactically decisive in the next battle.



Specific Observations



The expectation that we shall encounter media-savvy foes intent on eroding Canada’s will to fight (P 9) suggests the development of a sophisticated psy-ops capability of our own.  There is no reference to the development of such a capability in the AoT document.  There appears in the AoT document no effort to make the struggle against an asymmetric threat less asymmetric.  Rather, by focusing on high technologies, the direction is towards making the opposing forces even more asymmetric.  If, as the paper suggests, the danger from the foe lies in the asymmetry of the threat, then a reduction of the asymmetry by adding new capabilities is indicated.  Adding new capabilities in no way prevents improving and augmenting our current capabilities.



The document needs to be careful when making definitions.  For example, on pg 10 there is the statement “Actions consist of those events, behaviours, and acts that characterize the nature of the conflict.”  Part of this is a tautology.  Of course actions consist of acts; but Actions (unqualified) are not acts that characterize the nature of the conflict.   Characterizing Actions consists of acts that characterize the nature of the conflict.  The statement in the paper simply fails as a definition, and in a planning document it will not do to be unclear.



The problem continues with the definition of structures: a structure is not a kind of condition, as the definition declares it is.  The analysis that follows on pg 11 is impaired by the fuzziness and error that occur because definitions are not properly rendered.



The argument in para 4, pg 11 has cause and effect backward.  The whole paragraph ought to be translated into Clausewitzian language to realize its error.  The (translated) argument holds that actions that impact on psychology are more decisive than battle or info ops.  Nonsense.  What is true is that morale is important in gaining final victory, and battle is the means of gaining decisions, both moral and otherwise.  Battle is a more profound changer of morale than talk is.  Annihilation of the enemy has the most profound and long-lasting impact on morale of all, and is the most decisive kind of victory.



On pg 14, the expression FSE is used in para 2 but is not defined until para 3.



The diagram on pg 15 of the ADO certainly illustrates well the complexity of the concept.  I can’t figure out what this aid to understanding is trying to say!



Beginning on pg 15 with the definition of backcasting there starts a long sequence of definitions of terms of art.  It runs through Operational Functionality, through Modularity, through Delivering Capability, and right on through to pg 30.  In general, there is nothing wrong with defining and employing terms of art.  But because terms of art constitute a special language – occasionally called jargon – the terms should be capitalized to indicate that the common noun or verb is being used its special sense.  They are not always, which can lead to confusing and sometimes farcical assertions.



The section beginning on pg 19 “Delivering Capability” through to pg 30 is evidently lifted holus-bolus from some American publication.  The section really needs to be carefully edited.  What would be best is to say that, since the AoT is expected to be deployed and to operate with coalition forces that standardize on American doctrine, the following section is an extract of American doctrine to which the AoT will have to adapt itself.  By presenting that extract as our own, we accept responsibility for all its mistakes.



Because the AoT document presents the Delivering Capability section as its own product, the diagram on pg 26 is deceptive.  The diagram shows AWACS aircraft observing and fighter jets acting.  The CF air element has no AWACS aircraft nor does it possess any combat aircraft presently capable of direct fire support of the CF land element.  Nor will the CF air element be acquiring any such aircraft before 2020 at the earliest, when the Joint Strike Fighter will be available.  In other words, there is the implication of a jointness of operations between two CF elements that simply isn’t in the offing.  (Cf. also the remarks made above on combat helicopters and gunships.)



The American doctrine writers are quite unskillful at elaborating a science, as they often attempt to do.  The section “delivering capability” is loaded with conceptual howlers.  I will not bore the reader with an exhaustive list, but limit myself to the observation that because there are so many the section is dull, awful to read, and conveys little understanding.



Okay, one little observation.  On pg 29 para 3, is the definition of JIMP.  The definition of Joint is ‘involving other national military elements and support organizations.’  This could also be the definition of Combined, if by ‘other national’ they mean the military elements of other nations.  It is Joint if by other national military elements they mean other services, like the USAF or USN.  The definition of Multinational is the very definition of Combined.  The American usage of the terms Joint and Combined is completely backwards of the usage of Winston S. Churchill, who coined the terms, and here they inexplicably dispense with Combined and substitute Multinational.



The section Tactical Decisiveness shows some of the ill effects of following American thought too closely.  In para 3 of pg 31 is the statement: non-linear battlespace characterized by increased breadth, depth, and height.  You can’t get more rectilinear than breadth, depth, and height.



The section on Full Spectrum Engagement would be immensely simplified if the word ‘envelop’ were used instead of the expression ‘gain positional advantage;’ and the word ‘annihilate’ were used instead of ‘to position Land Forces at decisive points to dislocate or disrupt the adversary.’  This section contains a confused mishmash of Jominian position theory and maneuver warfare theory.  The gaining of decisive points is Jominian in outlook, while dislocation and disruption are terms of maneuver warfare theory.



When forecasting the future, it is better to say “is expected to be….” rather than say “is characterized by…”  (cf. pg 33 para 1)  The difference lies between an expectation and some fictional reality that bears no necessary relationship with the future.  An expectation is a more flexible approach to the elaboration of the doctrine that is intended to answer the needs of the future.  An expectation also plays into commander’s intent because the followers are led to understand the leader’s approach to dealing with a problem.  It follows naturally that if the problem is not exactly as expected then adjustments have to be made to the plan.  The statement that the future “is characterized by…” is tantamount to the order: you will believe this, and is deadening to intellectual initiative.  We want intellectual initiative in our leadership and that is why we have mission command.



The argument to “Whole of Government Integrated Effects” is that the elements listed are proximate causes to the achievement of the aim.  The trouble is that these proximate causes are neither necessary nor sufficient to achieve the aim (which isn’t stated by the way); and the theory which leads to the assertion that these are proximate causes to achieving the aim isn’t elaborated either.  The section appears to be a mishmash of maneuver warfare in a 3BW conflict.  Given that the enemy is said to be clever and adaptive and aims his attacks at the will to persist in Canada, there is no justification for saying that the key elements of integrated effects will lead to victory.  It is better to present these “integrated effects” as our strengths which we will try to apply to the enemy’s weaknesses.  (Cf. my comments above on reducing asymmetry by adding new capabilities as well as improving our current ones.)



The section on Sustainment is a confession of a characteristic Canadian weakness.  The obvious solution to a lack of logistical lift is to acquire more lift capacity.  This section of a planning document proposes that we figure out clever ways of doing with less!  The section uses the jargon word airframe in a place where the word aircraft is expected, and expresses the view that CSS does not have people: Sustainment is a system that needs combat skills.



The section on “Towards the Future” is an indirect tribute to the effectiveness of al Qaeda and especially of the concept of commander’s intent.  That al Qaeda works at all is due to an understanding of the intent of Osama bin Laden, not because he is able to communicate with and closely control his followers.  Against this, the AoT proposes to place an elaborate battlefield computer network that will presumably give the deployed force the situational awareness it needs to protect itself and to engage the enemy with the advantage of surprise in our favour.  What is clear from the very argument given to advocate the tactical employment of electronic technologies is that it would be unwise to place too much reliance on the battlefield computer network because the clever terrorists might be able to make it crash at a critical moment or even be able to tap into it themselves.  Technology, in other words, is not a substitute for good leadership and tactical proficiency.  It is an aid for reducing our casualties and increasing theirs, when it works.



Summation



The aim of the AoT document is to introduce the idea of what it calls Adaptive Dispersed Operations and to advance the idea that ADO is the force employment concept for a deployed CF Land force.  Much of the ADO concept is borrowed from American publications, and appears to be a mishmash of maneuver warfare theory applied to a Three Block War scenario.  Much is made of the adoption of a tactical computer network that would greatly improve the situational awareness of the field commanders.  How such a network would be useful in Iraq and Afghanistan remains to be seen.  Other than the Shield idea, which is purely defensive, no effort is made to relate how the changes proposed would address the strategy of an enemy that is intent on attacking the will to fight in Canada.



The force employment paper is silent on many areas of military capability that will need to be addressed before the planning horizon of 2021 is reached.

-          XXX –




Wednesday, April 4, 2012

What Canadian Defense Could Be Doing

Vincent J. Curtis


17 February 2012
 



Canada needs to keep abreast of changing U.S. military doctrine, contingency planning, and equipment acquisitions.  Canada’s foreign policy requires that she maintain good relations with her gigantic neighbour to the south, and Canada is committed to NORAD and NATO.  The driver of military action of NORAD and NATO over the last twenty years has been the United States, and this will remain so for the foreseeable future.  The principle is, and the practise shows, that Canada sends her military forces abroad in the first instance for furtherance of her alliances.



Hence, a glimpse at what the U.S. is doing might provide a hint at what it is her military could become involved in.



In January, the United States Department of Defense released its planning guidance document called, “Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for the 21st Century.”  The document explicitly named a nuclear-armed Iran and a bold, aggressive China as the potential threats to U.S. interests.  The doctrinal answer to these threats was the AirSea Battle concept.



The first requests for equipment acquisitions under the new planning guidance were released in mid-February.  Since most everything is done with tools these days, what tools in the way of military equipment the U.S. military is asking for provides a clue as to how it plans to fight.



For the army, the major weapons systems requested are helicopters.  Specifically, the AH-64D Apache Longbow Block 3, CH-47 Chinook, UH-60 Black Hawk, and light utility helicopters.  The U.S. Army also wants to expand its field tactical networking capability with new radio systems, and has requests in for upgrading the Abrams tank, for new trucks and light tactical vehicles, and rocket launching systems.



The U.S. Navy wants another nuclear powered aircraft carrier, two Virginia-class nuclear attack submarines, two Aegis destroyers, four Littoral Combat Ships, and one Joint High Speed Vessel.  Other requests include money for more F/A-18 E and F Super Hornet strike fighters, maritime patrol aircraft; and for the Marines: UH-1 (Huey) helicopters, and AH-1Z Super Cobra attack helicopters.



The U.S. Air Force reduced its request for funding aircraft this year from last year.  It still wants, however, more Predator, Reaper, and Global Hawk drones, AC-130 Spectre gunships for special operations, upgrades for the F-22 Raptor, and more money for the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program.



In general, what the U.S. military wants is more rotary aviation, more ships, and more highly sophisticated aircraft.  It is cutting the number of ground forces it has.  It is replacing boots on the ground with joysticks that control tools more powerful than a C-7 rifle.



For a Canadian military contribution to an overseas contingency operation to be noticeable - and therefore diplomatically valuable - the CF needs to be equipped with materiel comparable to that of the United States.  Given U.S. planning, the equipment needs to enable Canadian Forces to participate in the Air/Sea Battle, or at least serve in a valuable and visible secondary role.



To play a primary role would require an upgrade of the equipment of the RCN, and more sailors to man the extra ships.  A capital ship such as an Aegis missile cruiser would help enormously, as well as means of dealing in narrow waters with a large number of fast torpedo boats that might attempt to swarm an aircraft carrier.



The RCAF needs to get over its “fighter-jock” mentality and acquire a vast array of helicopters and drones if it wants to get noticed overseas.



There is no primary role for the army in an Air/Sea battle, as its element is solid.  To be visible overseas, it would have to work with the U.S. military in a special role.  Since we cannot predict what that role might be, general purpose combat capability for a mid-level conflict provides the flexibility needed to meet future contingencies.  Medical and Communications are secondary roles that are visible, and are inexpensive businesses to get into and maintain.



Special Operations are by their nature not visible.  However, they are highly visible among those who need to know, and these include military officers and diplomats at the highest levels.  Therefore, expanded Canadian Forces special operations capability would be consistent with making the CF a valuable diplomatic tool.  CF Spec Ops capability would be enhanced if we had the helicopters, one or two AC-130 Spectre gunships, and a Littoral Combat Ship capable of stealthy delivery of personnel and equipment.  In other words, the RCAF and the RCN need to get the equipment that will enable them to support ground forces.



To play a useful role for Canadian diplomacy in the future, the CF needs more and different equipment, and needs to be able to operate as a unified force.

-30-

Friday, March 16, 2012

The Hype over the Volt


Vincent J. Curtis



9 January 2008


*The piece below was intended to be published in the Kitchener-Waterloo Record, but never saw print.*


            Every so often environmentalists go stark raving mad.  In 1997, the Kyoto Treaty, a product of environmentalism gone mad, called for unrealistic reductions energy consumption, through government regulation, just as India and China grew into first world countries.  In 2000, fantasies about the hydrogen fuel cell exploded on the world with its false promises of an economic, pollution-free source of energy for cars and homes.  Now, General Motors is about to launch its own green machine; an electric car called the Volt. 



            The new, experimental GM Volt is a four passenger automobile powered by a lithium-ion battery supported by a 1000 cc gasoline engine.  The Volt is supposed to be Detroit’s near-zero emission car of the future. The Volt is the car environmentalists have claimed the big car makers have been hiding for nefarious reasons.  Humbug!



            Though I am sure the Volt is a nice car to drive and works perfectly in accordance with the specifications, electric cars have hidden economic and environmental costs that seriously limit their usefulness as a means of reducing pollution over-all.  These limitations are quite similar to those that make the hydrogen cell propelled car forever uneconomic and of questionable environmental value.



            The hydrogen fuel cell worked by the conversion of hydrogen and oxygen into water with nearly perfect conversion of the energy of that reaction into electricity.  The lithium ion cell of the Volt converts lithium into a lithium salt with the nearly perfect conversion of the energy of that reaction into electricity.  So far, so good.  The problem lies in regenerating that hydrogen and that lithium from water and lithium salt.  Regeneration requires the input of electric power from some outside source; that is, from the increasingly strained electric grid.



            The problem of regeneration does not occur in gasoline and diesel engines.  Internal combustion engines take fuel we found in the ground and simply burn it in a way that provides motive power.  The sun and the earth created this energy source for us millions of years ago, and we are simply taking advantage of the energy content of material we found in the earth.  We don’t try to regenerate it.



            Unlike combustion engines, the lithium cell and the hydrogen cell require that their fuel be regenerated.  Recharging, it is called.  While the lithium cell presents far fewer practical and engineering difficulties as a rechargeable power supply than the hydrogen cell, like the hydrogen cell it also uses electrical generation from outside itself to recharge   Therein lies the fundamental economic and environmental fallacy of the electric car.



            Let’s look at the fallacy in a small scale and then the large scale.  Let’s say the power goes out, and you have to recharge the car by connecting it to the gas-powered electric generator you keep for such emergencies.  Because of the losses inherent in energy conversions, it would have been a more efficient use of the gasoline to have burned it in a car engine to propel the car directly than to have used it to create the electricity to regenerate the lithium and then to use the lithium in order to propel the car.



            In fact, the Volt carries its own gas-powered generator.  A one litre gas-powered motor mounted in the Volt provides the car with on-board regenerating capacity for the lithium cell.  Plugging in the car at night merely relieves the gas tank of the Volt from supplying the chemical energy necessary to convert lithium salt back into useful lithium again.  If the power was out, and you didn’t have a gas powered generator, you could idle the car in the driveway until the lithium cell was recharged.



            On a large scale, suppose that electric cars become popular and lots of people buy them.  Where is the grid electricity going to come from for all these cars?  Well, to replace gasoline made from Alberta tar sand, the expansion of the electrical supply will have to come primarily from the burning of West Virginia coal and from nuclear reaction of Saskatchewan uranium.  If electric cars become popular, we will have to build more coal-burning and/or nuclear powered generating facilities to replace the Alberta tar sands we no longer use as liquid fuel.  Wind power and solar power are fantasies that cannot fill the gap in Ontario.



            Burning coal is a dirty business; nuclear generation is extremely capital intensive; and these hidden environmental and economic factors have to be considered when evaluating the overall advantages of electric powered cars like the GM Volt.



            The economy in driving a Volt lies in the fact that the car is driven by a 65 hp, 1000 cc engine, the performance of which is enhanced by a battery, so long as it lasts.



            Electric cars can be useful in reducing air pollution in dense urban areas where traffic is intensive, like New York, Los Angeles, and London.   A one liter motor creates less air pollution than a 2.2 litre motor; and the air pollution caused by the burning of coal for electrical power is created out of the downtown area in a facility designed to mitigate the pollution released.  Electric cars can be a small piece of the puzzle of solving certain, restricted air pollution problems.



            However, if you believe that man-created carbon dioxide is bad for the environment, and that nuclear power is next to nuclear weapons on the scale of evil, then you can only support the development of electric cars by hiding your eyes from the unintended consequences.  The Volt and cars like it will not take us on the road to environmental nirvana.

-          XXX –



Vincent J. Curtis was employed as a Research Scientist by the Ontario Research Foundation, and worked on high energy density batteries in the 1980s.

Friday, March 2, 2012

Budget Cuts Hit U.S. Military

Releases New Strategy Paper “in response to new global realities.”


Vincent J. Curtis



12 Jan12
 

Responding to the Budget Control Act of August, 2011, and to the failure of a Joint Congressional Committee to agree on some $1 trillion in budget cuts over ten years, the U.S. military is required by law to reduce its expenditures by $487 billion over the next ten years.  Without the cut, the U.S. Defense Department was expected to spend between $6,000 and $7,000 billion in that period.



In response to the projected cut, the Pentagon on January 5th released a new strategy paper which maps out how the United States will maintain global dominance a period of reduced budgets and a smaller military.  The paper, released at a special press conference featuring President Obama, is entitled: “Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for the 21st Century.”



The usual political suspects in the United States are saying the expected things about a plan by President Obama to reduce the military budget.



The plan itself starts with a re-evaluation of long-term strategic threats to U.S. interests in the aftermath of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.  It concludes that, at the head of a long list, Iran and China represent the threats which the U.S. military must plan for.  Iran’s acquisition of a nuclear device is seen as a threat directly to Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Israel, and indirectly to the world economy by Iranian control of the sea lanes in the Persian Gulf and the Straits of Hormuz.  Some 40 % of the world’s crude oil moves on gigantic oil tankers through those waters.



Reference in the paper is made to al Qaeda and its affiliates as a threat to U.S. interests, but the strategic plan is to avoid the use of large ground forces to control the threat as was done in Iraq and Afghanistan.



China is seen as a threat due to the belligerent rhetoric coming out of the Chinese military, the cold diplomacy employed by China’s government, and the ever bolder use of her growing naval and air forces.  China is foreseen as attempting an “anti-access and area denial” strategy against U.S. intervention in an arc from Japan to the Philippines to eastern India, an area which includes Taiwan, South Korea, and Vietnam.



India is seen as a potential strategic partner in the paper, and is praised as “a regional economic anchor and provider of security in the broader Indian Ocean region.”



What may be the motivation for the Chinese government’s apparent departure from the long Chinese tradition of contentment with being a regional power was not discussed in the paper.



To fit into a small budget, the U.S. military will reduce personnel.  It will lose up to half a million troops out of a current military of 1.6 million, largely coming out of the Army and Marine Corps.  There are presently 565,000 soldiers and 201,000 Marines on strength, and between 76,000 and 114,000 will be lost.  In addition, some costly procurement programs, such as the acquisition of the F-35, are at risk.  The U.S. is expected to draw down between 3,000 and 4,000 of the 80,000 troops that are presently stationed in Europe.



The U.S. will also reduce its nuclear stockpile.



However, a new long-range strategic bomber program has been confirmed.



The AirSea Battle concept is at the heart of the new strategy.  This new operational concept is intended “to prepare the U.S. and its allies to deter or defeat Chinese power,” according to Air Force Magazine.  The new concept is aimed at aiding Joint Operations between the U.S. Air Force and the U.S. Navy, and to avoid duplication of effort.



The U.S. Air Force will seek to be able to revive on short notice operations on air bases abandoned long ago, such as on Saipan and Tinian in the Northern Marianas, U Tapao and Korat in Thailand, Clark Air Base in the Philippines, in Australia, Halim Air Base in Indonesia, and possibly Tan Son Nhut in Vietnam.  These would augment fully operational Air Bases presently on Guam, Hickam AFB on Hawaii, Osan and Kunsan in South Korea, Misawa and Yokota in Japan, in addition to the U.S. Naval base at Yokosuka and Sasebo in Japan.  The U.S.A.F. wants to be able to disperse operations quickly in the event of a surprise Chinese missile attack, and avoid a Pearl Harbor catastrophe.



The AirSea Battle is intended to defeat an “Anti-Access, Area Denial” strategy employed by the Chinese Navy and Air Force. The A2/AD strategy would protect the Chinese People’s Liberation Army as it invaded China’s neighbors from attacks by the U.S. air power.  By denial of safe access to the battle theatre through sea lanes, the Chinese would deter the deployment of the U.S. Army into the field.  Such is the rationale of A2/AD.



In addition to defeating Iranian ambitions and deterring Chinese aggression, the strategy paper rounds out the requirements of U.S. military capability under the heads of: counter terrorism and irregular warfare, conduct stability and counterinsurgency operations, deter and defeat aggression, counter WMDs, operate effectively in space and cyberspace, maintain a nuclear deterrent, provide a stabilizing presence, humanitarian and disaster relief, and homeland security.



The strategy intends to use a whole-of-government approach, which means the use of diplomacy to gain the permission of other countries for use of their military facilities and to encourage the deployment the military forces of allies in aid of the U.S. strategy against a common foe.



NORAD is not mentioned in the strategy paper, and NATO only briefly.  NATO is seen as a source of augmenting military forces on someone else’s budget, as is presently the case in Afghanistan.



Before he retired in July of last year, Defense Secretary Robert Gates hinted heavily that changes of this nature were coming.  The first examples of the use both of the A2/AD strategy and of the AirSea battle were tested by NATO in Libya when he was in office.



A part of Canada’s close and inevitable friendship with the United States is military relevance.  Not much is expected of Canada by the United States, but something beyond favorable diplomatic noises is desired.  What is it that the Canadian military could do that fits into the new U.S. strategic concept?



Whatever it is, it needs to be “visible” to the American and Canadian public.  (“Visibility” is a requirement demanded by retired General Rick Hillier when he was CDS, and was one reason why Canada took on the combat mission in Kandahar in 2006.)



Eyes turn quickly to the navy.  A Canadian F-35 does not appear to be operationally relevant to the new concept because the U.S. Air Force will knock out the Chinese Fighter force on its own, and air superiority is the only role the F-35 is suited for.  The stealth fighter could be used in a surveillance and reconnaissance role for short ranges in the Pacific if it operated out of a U.S. Air Base.  Long range bombing with cruise missiles, as can be done with the B-1, B-2, B-52, and the new strategic bomber, is not in the realm of capability of the F-35.



The new class of frigates and destroyers planned for construction could play a role in a U.S fleet protecting the big aircraft carriers.  What could make the RCN really visible would be a capability to destroy fast moving Iranian PT boats and Zodiacs that carry torpedoes in the Straits of Hormuz.  If it could be made to work, a Bras d’or  class of hydrofoil destroyers would be a real attention-getter in the Straits.  A hydrofoil, in virtue of its 71 knot speed and elevation above the water, could, if it mounted powerful, computer aided automatic cannons, quickly disperse and destroy a fleet of PT boats that moved in the 40 knot range, like a fox among chickens.  Whatever new ships are built for the RCN, some capability to participate in the AirSea battle needs to be designed in.



The Canadian Army could play a visible role under the heads of counterterrorism and irregular warfare, and conducting stability and counterinsurgency operations.  This would be a reprise of the role the army and special operations forces played in Kandahar.  However, these heads are seen as secondary to the main mission of the U.S. Joint Forces, which is the air and sea battle in the western Pacific and Indian Oceans.



As events in Libya proved once again, air and sea power alone are not decisive.  Ground forces are essential to bring matters to a decisive conclusion.  Thus, the AirSea battle may prove to be ineffective as an operational concept except as a preliminary.  A survey of the capabilities of the elements of the Canadian Forces shows that the army is the service most likely to provide visible proof of Canadian intent and support of its great ally and neighbor.

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Talking to the Taliban: Bad New Year’s Resolution

 
Vincent J. Curtis 


30 December 2011



Now that Canada has withdrawn from combat operations in Afghanistan, we can look at the military-political situation in that country dispassionately.



Among its New Year’s resolutions, the Obama Administration hopes to restore ‘momentum’ in the spring to U.S. talks with the Taliban.  Talks, which had been going on behind the scenes, fell apart in December due to objections from Afghan President Hamid Karzai, according to an AP report.



Officials from the U.S. State department and White House, headed by Hilary Clinton and Barack Obama respectively, plan to continue a series of meetings with Taliban representatives, provided the alleged representatives, which the U.S. believes to be legitimate, remain willing, according to AP.   U.S. officials describe the outreach to the Taliban as ‘sensitive and precarious.’



You have to wonder what’s in the Kool Aid that officials in the State Department and White House are drinking.  Hamid Karzai had his own case of vapors, until his head was cleared by a shocking event in September, 2011.  It is no wonder that Karzai derailed the secret U.S. – Taliban talks.



That these secret talks were ongoing makes some sense of the otherwise outrageous statement made by U.S. Vice President Joe Biden in early December that “The Taliban are not our enemy…Our enemy is al Qaeda.”



The basis for a U.S.-Taliban settlement apparently includes a provision that the Taliban separate themselves from al Qaeda.  Biden may have been sending the Taliban an unmistakable signal of U.S. seriousness of intent for settlement.



On September 20th, the respected former president, head of the Afghan Peace Council, and emissary of Hamid Karzai, Burhanuddin Rabbani, was treacherously assassinated by a suicide bomber.  According to reports, the assassin claimed that he was a Talib who wished to make peace with the new political regime in Afghanistan, and requested that he surrender to Rabbani personally.  Rabbani accepted the man into his chambers unsearched, as a sign of respect.  The assassin, who hid the bomb in his turban, apparently bowed to Rabbani, touching his head to Rabbani’s chest, and then detonated the bomb.



Reuters news agency reported immediately afterwards that the Taliban accepted responsibility for the killing.  However, on their website, the Taliban contested the Reuters report but refused to discuss the incident further.  Mullah Omar knew that assassinating a respected man like Rabbani in such a treacherous way was a blunder.



At best the assassination showed Mullah Omar’s lack of control over the movement; at worst it showed a division between the Taliban proper, and the so-called ‘Haqqani network’.  It provided tangible evidence that Taliban protestations of peace were not to be trusted, and left them open to the charge that they were mere agents of the Pakistani ISI, the Interservices Intelligence Agency, who seek to sow confusion and discord in Afghanistan.



Retiring Chairman of the U.S Joint Chiefs of Staff accused the Taliban of being influenced by the ISI in congressional testimony.



The political take on Rabbani’s assassination at the time was that it was ‘a blow to the peace process.’  U.S. Marine General John Allen, Commander of ISAF, released a statement at the time that said that “…Rabbani’s assassination is a sign that the insurgents are afraid: they are afraid of the peace process…Insurgent leaders understand that peace and reintegration is one of the greatest threats they face…”



Right.  Now, the Obama Administration appears willing look past this Taliban marker of less than six months ago, ignore the statements of its own most senior military leaders, and by-pass its erstwhile ally, the president of Afghanistan, and seek peace talks with untrustworthy assassins.



For its part, the Obama Administration is taking the war to the Taliban where they live.  Hellfire missile strikes from U.S. operated drone aircraft killed ten senior Taliban and al Qaeda leaders in sixty-four attacks in 2011, and twenty in one hundred seventeen attacks in 2010, according to reports from Long War Journal.



Perhaps, like Richard Nixon’s Christmas bombing campaign against Hanoi in December 1972, fierce American attacks will bring the enemy, much to his surprise, to the table, go through the charade of a settlement so that the U.S. can withdraw with its dignity intact, and leave the field open to the enemy.



When it speaks of ‘restoring momentum to the peace talks’ and overcoming ‘blows to the peace process’, the Obama Administration is directing these soothing sentiments to an American audience.  It is quite possible that a segment of Obama’s political base actually believes this stuff, as well as addled senior officials of the U.S. State Department.



All would be well advised to heed Rudyard Kipling: his poems “The East is East,” and especially the line from The Naulahka, “an Epitaph drear: A Fool lies here who tried to hustle the east.”

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Embraer’s Super Tucano A-29 Turboprop Chosen for Counterinsurgency Role

Vincent J. Curtis


4 Jan 12

***This just in:  The USAF on Feb 28th unexpectedly cancelled the contract mentioned in this post due to political pressure.*** 




In a move that surprised many, the US Air Force chose the Super Tucano A-29 over an American competitor for a light attack aircraft, it was announced on December 30, 2011.  The A-29 is a design of Brazil’s Embraer Defense and Security company.  The initial contract is for twenty of the aircraft, with an ultimate order for one hundred.  The aircraft is capable of air interdiction of prop-driven aircraft often used by drug-runners, and of ground attack with machine guns, missiles, and bombs.  A turboprop, the A-29 is far cheaper to operate for the counterinsurgency missions that presently are assigned to A-10 Thunderbolt II and F-16 fighter jets.



The aircraft for the US Air Force will be built in Jacksonville, Florida, with Sierra Nevada Corporation as the prime contractor and Elbit Systems of America supplying the avionics.



The main competitor to the A-29 was the AT-6 Texan II, made by Hawker Beechcraft, formerly Raytheon Aircraft.  A variant of the AT-6 is used by the RCAF as a trainer aircraft known as the CT-156 Harvard II, and is based at 15 Wing, Moose Jaw, Saskatchewan.



The Super Tucano is a single-engined turboprop with a cockpit configuration for either one or two in tandem.  The powerplant is a single Pratt & Whitney Canada PT6A-68C, generating 1600 hp.  The A-29 has a top speed of 590 km/hr, a service ceiling of 10,700 m, and a range of 1,330 km.  It can remain aloft for as long as eight hours, forty minutes.



The armament it can carry is modest by jet standards, but is sufficient for the counterinsurgency role.  The A-29 carries two .50 Cal machine guns in the wings, a 20 mm Vulcan-style cannon in a pod below the fuselage, plus five hardpoints for up to 1500 kilograms of rockets, missiles, and bombs.  The missile it would carry for counterinsurgency is the AGM-65 Maverick, but can also carry general purpose, incendiary, cluster, and precision guided bombs.



The Light Air Support program began in 2009 when the U.S. Air Force sought an aircraft that could fill the role once filled by the A1-E Skyraider in Vietnam.  A heavy, single-engined piston  prop plane, the A1-E carried up to 3,600 kg of ordinance on fifteen hardpoints, and was able to linger over the battlefield in Vietnam for hours, providing support for embattled ground troops with napalm, rockets, and strafing fire from the four 20 mm cannons it carried in the wings.  Much slower than a jet, far more powerful than a helicopter, and with more endurance than either, the A1-E proved ideal in the counterinsurgency role fifty years ago.



While the A-29 is not as powerful as the A1-E, like the Skyraider the cost of purchasing an A-29 is low.  Being a turboprop, the A-29 is far cheaper to operate in terms of fuel and maintenance than the modern jets of today, and can it operate from austere airfields.  The fly-away cost of a new A-29 is approximately $10 million.  The USAF contract signed on December 30th specified a fixed price of $355 million for twenty aircraft, but that includes ground training devices and support for all maintenance and supply requirements and associated support equipment.



The A-29 is presently in service in the Air Forces of Brazil, Dominican Republic, and Columbia, where it has already seen service combating the FARC drug cartel.  Besides the United States, the A-29 is on order from Ecuador and Chile.  The U.S. may also supply the air forces of Lebanon and Afghanistan with the Super Tucano.



The competitor AT-6 Texan II, though similar in performance and also employing the Pratt & Whitney Canada PT6A-68C turboprop powerplant, has no configurations for carrying machine guns, missiles, or bombs, and is used exclusively for training purposes by the RCAF, the Luftwaffe, and the air forces of Greece, Israel, Iraq, Morocco, and the U.S.  It is not used in a counterinsurgency role anywhere at present.



The RCAF could get into the counterinsurgency business, if it wanted to, in an innovative way by working with a highly motived Hawker Beechcraft company.  A portion of the RCAF’s current fleet of 25 Harvard IIs could be retrofitted with hardpoints for weapons and upgraded avionics to fill the light attack role.  The benefit to Hawker Beechcraft to be that by learning how to upgrade the Harvard II platform with the RCAF the company would be able to offer a package to the owners of the current installed fleet of more than 425 airframes that is less expensive than purchasing an all-new platform from the Brazilians.

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