Obama and US Foreign
Polic
Vincent J. Curtis 10
December 2008
Throughout
the election campaign, President-elect Obama claimed that he could make the
world love America
again. All it will take is his charm,
his personality, his rhetoric, his policies, and his inspirational leadership
in the White House and America
will be admired again by the world, unless you happen to be one of America’s
partners in NAFTA. Today, he announced
that he would give a major speech in an Islamic capital in order to “reboot” America’s image
in the Muslim world.
From Ahmadinejad of Iran, to Kim
Jong Il of North Korea,
to Chavez of Venezuela, Obama said he can soften the hard hearts of dictators,
despots, and tyrants as President Bush and other conservative Republicans cannot. To the democratically elected president of Columbia, Uribe, however,
he maintains a hardened heart.
As senator, Obama gave a remarkable
speech in February in which he said, in effect, that the world would be a safer
place if America
stopped developing and deploying new weapons and he became president.
A tour of
the north-east gate of Naval Station Guantanamo, and a little reflection, will
quickly disabuse a thoughtful person of such possibilities.
The
north-east gate of Gitmo is the only land connection between the naval station
and the Republic
of Cuba. It is one of the few check points remaining of
the cold war. Here you will see the
watch towers, the armed guards, the wire, and the defenses. Tension at this control point remains high.
American
forces on Gitmo pose no military threat to the Cuban regime, and the Cuban
leadership is undoubtedly aware of this. At the same time, it would be suicidal for
the Cuban regime to attack Gitmo. Yet Cuba still maintains
a threatening posture at Gitmo.
Anybody who
knows the costs of military activity understands how expensive it is for the
Cuban regime to keep tensions high at Gitmo.
The poor Cuban taxpayer and the straitened Cuban economy are forking
over a lot of money for the regime to keep up a pretense; money that could be
well spent improving the general welfare of the Cuban people. Yet the Cuban regime persists, decade after
decade, and president after president, Republican or Democrat. Why?
The answer
is that the Castro regime needs justification to keep the Cuban people
repressed. While Fidel Castro may seem
to be popular, he and his brother Raul, being tyrants, cannot trust anyone very
much. The Castro regime has to keep the
Cuban people looking over their shoulders so that they won’t conspire and
combine against it. A near state of war
against America
provides justification for the activities of the secret police and for the
sacrifices in money and freedom the Cuban people have made, apparently to
defend themselves and their revolution, but really to protect Castro’s life and
position as head of the Cuban state.
But Cuba is a
specific example of a general phenomenon.
The internal dynamics of tyrannies and despotisms make it necessary that
a state of tension be maintained between these states and their neighbors; and
between these states and the United
States, since the hyperpower is the most
convenient scapegoat in the world.
Maintaining a state of tension with foreign countries serves to protect
the tyrant or the despot at home.
Tension abroad justifies intrusive security at home.
Natan
Sharansky, former Russian dissident and a former minister in the Israeli
government, devoted his book The Case for
Democracy to analysis of this phenomenon.
It was this book that encouraged President Bush to attempt to
democratize Iraq after the
war of 2003, and is the basis for a similiar policy in Afghanistan.
The situation at Gitmo with Cuba is but a
specific example of the general case. If
the demon power wasn’t the United States,
it would be Great Britain,
or Israel. Tyrants and despots need to maintain a
tension at home akin to a war footing to protect their own lives, and in Cuba tension with the United States justifies the
pressure at home.
Since the
tyrant and the despot fear a reduction in tension with the United States, the likelihood that the new
personality in the White House will cause them to change their rhetoric or
their policies against America
is nil. They fear for their own lives
too much. At best they will offer lip-service.
The
personality in the White House has little to do with whether America is
liked or not by the rest of the world.
No president in recent years was more affable and more liberally
forthcoming on the international arena than the Democrat centralist Bill
Clinton. Yet his liberality saw the rise
of al-Qaeda, with all its acts of terrorism against America before 9/11. His charm failed to create a Palestinian
state; and his affability failed to stem the rise of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The French regime of Jacques Chirac remained
unmoved by the centrality of his politics, also for domestic reasons.
Personalities as widely different
as Bill Clinton and George W. Bush cannot make the Syrians, the North Koreans,
the Iranians, and radical Islamists love America, and Obama says he can.
It is
understandable that Americans want to be liked in the world, and to a certain
extent they expect to be. Yet widely,
they are not. The internal dynamics of
many foreign states cannot permit their regimes to have good relations with the
United States; in fact it is
necessary to the survival of the regime that bad relations exist between the
tyrant’s country and America.
For that
reason, Obama and his followers are likely to get a lesson from foreign policy
on the limits of charm. His winning personality
in the White House is unlikely to move American relations with the rest of the
world much for the better, for America
is not the only country in the world with domestic interests. A test of this thesis will come when the
Castro regime falls utterly, and a new regime takes its place.
The next Cuban regime will have justify
its existence by rapidly improving the economy of Cuba, as Raul Castro is already trying
to do. For that, better relations with America will be
essential. So no matter how crusty the
American president happens to be, when the Castrol regime falls relations between
Cuba and America will
improve and tensions here will relax.
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Vincent J. Curtis is a free lance writer. He has written on military affairs for
several years, and he toured the US
Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay,
Cuba, in
January of this year.