Thursday, March 15, 2018

Future Air Combat




Vincent J. Curtis

6 Mar 2018


Canada’s Future Fighter Capability Project is proceeding without any agreed upon idea of the future of air combat.  Deciding which fighter to acquire, then, is like trying to decide which tool you are going to buy without having much knowledge of the job you need it to do.  Any discussion of the relative merits or capability of the tools will end up being a discussion about undeclared, underlying beliefs instead.

So it is worthwhile to spend some time thinking about what are the likely needs Canada will have for air power, and then decide what the best fit is.

What we know for sure is that NORAD and NATO are not going to go away within the next thirty to forty years, because Russia isn’t going to go away.  Canada’s role within NORAD is the air defense of North America in cooperation with the United States.  Practically, this means that the RCAF needs a high flying and fast interceptor with long range.  The RCAF needs to be able to intercept Russian bombers flying over the high Arctic.

Canada’s air role in NATO has been to contribute to the gaining of air superiority against Russian-made fighters.  The air superiority role once placed a requirement on a fighter for tight turning or speed in diving; but missile technology and the “platform” concept may be changing that.

A third demand upon fighter aircraft has been for surface to ground attack.  After air superiority has been gained, fighters don’t have much other practical use except to attack targets on the ground.  Any aircraft equipped with guns, bombs, or missiles is capable of attacking targets on the ground, though some are better adapted to it than others.

For example, in World War II, the P-47 Thunderbolt, because of its toughness, was better adapted to strafing ground targets than the similarly armed P-51 Mustang.  The Hawker Typhoon underperformed at high altitudes, but turned into an excellent ground attack fast mover.

In South Vietnam, jet fighters were used exclusively for ground attack, while over North Vietnam most of the missions of jet aircraft were for attacking targets on the ground.  Some air combat did occur over the North, but a concentrated effort by the USAF eliminated the North Vietnamese Air Force and thereafter the North relied exclusively on surface to air missiles for its air defense.

It seems, then, that the question the RCAF needs to answer is whether or to what degree it wants to be able to engage in tactical air-to-ground combat.  The RCAF has shied away from that role.  In the last forty years, the only significant occasions when CF-18s were so employed was in Libya (2011) and in Iraq against ISIS (2014-2016).  The electronic suites in the Hornets had to be changed and upgraded for this role because the original avionics of the Hornet was for air combat only.

At this point it is useful to differentiate between real air power and special operations involving air assets.  Real air power requires mass.  Real air power means literally hundreds of aircraft and thousands of sorties.  Special operations involving air assets involves a small number of aircraft equipped for special missions.  The Israeli attack on Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor was such a mission that involved F-15s and F-16s.  A single CF-18 intercepting a Russian Tu-95 (Bear) bomber is another example of a special operation.

The F-35 seems to be an aircraft of the special operations category.  One platform is supposed to be able to simultaneously track, scan, and attack multiple targets both in the air and on the ground and be invisible to radar.  It can fly a long way on internal fuel and carry up to 18,000 pounds of ordinance.  It is rather maneuverable.  One plane can do a lot.  But you pay for all these capabilities, and that means that on a limited budget you can buy only a few of them.  In addition, all these capabilities make for a complicated aircraft, and so the operational up time may be less than for a cheaper, simpler aircraft due to the higher maintenance requirements and costs.  In choosing the F-35, Canada sacrifices mass.

The acquisition question comes down to this: is it better to spend money on capabilities you might never use or to keep it in your pocket against future contingencies?  The F-16V and the Block III F/A-18 Super Hornet will be able to meet 98 to 100 percent of the operational requirements of the RCAF over the next twenty to thirty years.  We can say this because the US Navy is purchasing new Super Hornets and the USAF is buying new F-15E Strike Eagles and refurbishing older F-16s for service into the 2040s.  They are doing so because the “augmented reality” software, sensors, and networking that make the F-35 so cutting-edge have not been completely de-bugged.  All the operational testing of the F-35 has been with small numbers of friendlies and targets; engineers do not know if network overload would occur when large numbers of aircraft flew together.  And we assume that stealth remains undefeatable over the next forty years.

Does RCAF see itself as a kind of special operations force stealthily taking on multiple targets in the air and on the ground simultaneously alone?  If so, then a force of F-35s makes sense.  But as a component of the total air power of NORAD, NATO, or a coalition with the United States, then the F-16V or Super Hornet makes more sense because Canada isn’t going to be the lead air power or conduct independent missions.  If stealth isn’t essential to the RCAF mission, and the more the mission profile is of an air-superiority fighter-interceptor, the more the F-16 is favored.
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Sunday, March 4, 2018

Boeing, Airbus, and Bombardier



Vincent J. Curtis

1 Mar 2018


Besides announcing that the interim replacements for used up Canadian CF-18s would be used up Australian F/A-18s, the purpose of the DND press conference of Dec 11th, 2017, was for the Federal government to publically invite bids on Canada’s Future Fighter Capability Project, or FFCP.  The deadline for submitting bids was Feb 9th, 2018, and the qualified bidders were, unsurprisingly, Boeing, Lockheed-Martin, Airbus, Dassault, and Saab.

These suppliers were invited to submit proposals for the replacement of Canada’s fleet of CF-18 aircraft with 88 new-builds.  In a “competition,” the Trudeau government, or its successor, will evaluate the proposals for “cost, technical requirements, and economic benefits to Canada.”  Apparently, the Trudeau government is ambivalent about the differing technical merits between Gen 4 and Gen 5 fighters, considering them both of them to be more or less the same.  Perhaps it will come up with an ad hoc cost/benefit ratio between the two types.

Boeing, while participating, remains wary of the Trudeau government’s intentions.  In a press statement, Boeing says it “will continue to evaluate our participation in the FFCP as the Government of Canada outlines the procurement approach, requirements, and evaluation criteria…” while maintaining “…the Super Hornet is the low-risk, low-cost approach and has all the advanced capabilities the Royal Canadian Air Force needs now and well into the future.”

Boeing is not looking to burn any bridges, saying also that it “values Canada as a customer and supplier-partner…”

Airbus is part of the consortium that makes the Eurofighter Typhoon.  Boeing fell afoul of the Trudeau government when it asked a U.S Trade disputes panel to slap tariffs in the amount of nearly 300 percent on C-Series commercial jets made by Liberal favorite, Bombardier.  Before the panel even had a chance to reject Boeing’s suit, which it quickly did, Bombardier slipped the rights to make the jet to Airbus.  Bombardier’s jets will be made by Airbus in the United States, thus bypassing the rules governing importation regardless of the trade panel’s decision.

An Airbus bid would seem to have an inside edge with the Trudeau government through Airbus’s friendly commercial relationship with Bombardier.  The “economic benefits to Canada” angle could be met in Airbus’s bid by subcontracting assembly to Bombardier in Canada, with the parts being shipped in from Europe.

Boeing already supports some 2,000 jobs in Canada.  The “economic benefits to Canada” as a result of an FFCP contract could come about by placing an off-setting amount of work at its Winnipeg facility as the Block III Super Hornets rolled off the assembly line in St. Louis, as happened with the Boeing CC-177 Globemaster III transport and CH-147F Chinook helicopter purchases.

Because of Boeing’s suit against Bombardier, the Trudeau government went out of its way to publically embarrass Boeing executives, and cabinet members accused the company of being “harmful to Canada’s economic interests,” forgetting altogether the company’s longstanding workforce in western Canada.  The prospective evaluation of proposals baldly states that bidders so accused will stand at a “distinct disadvantage.”

A major weakness of Airbus’s entry is cost.  The Eurofighter Typhoon is an expensive aircraft to build, to operate, and to maintain - more than the Super Hornet.  The flyaway cost of one, at the moment, runs in the range of € 100 million, making the cost of the acquisition at least $13.5 billion Canadian.  As with the F-35, so with the Eurofighter Typhoon, you pay for capabilities you don’t really need and can’t afford to use.  Canada isn’t going to risk the loss of a $150 million aircraft to bust bunkers that cost little more than spadework and mud to build.  It would be foolhardy to do so, but you have to pay for that useless capability anyhow.

The “economic benefits to Canada” phrase can sometimes be a pleasant way of saying “graft.”  It is cheapest of all to build something on the production line presently operating.  To create an entirely new production line incurs capital costs over and above the cost of building the next 88 aircraft coming off the line.  Canada is not going to get into the business of supplying the world with fighter aircraft, and so the “economic benefit” of having Bombardier assemble Typhoons from parts is merely a way of having Canadian taxpayers shovel additional money into Bombardier and create some temporary jobs in Quebec.  The economic ‘benefit’ simply doesn’t last.

A Boeing proposal that incorporated offsetting work in Winnipeg has the inherent savings of avoiding unnecessary capital costs and the cost of teaching new workers a new job.

Because of Airbus’s links to Bombardier, a Eurofighter Typhoon assembled by Bombardier could have the edge in the “competition” due to its higher political visibility.  If the Trudeau government purchased new Super Hornets instead of refurbishing old Australian planes, it could either reduce the scale of the FFCP from 88 to 70, or saved itself the cost of refurbishment, which now is estimated to be between $500 million and $1.5 billion.  It will take three years of analysis before we find out whether the Trudeau government has learned anything about technical merits, cost, and economics.
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This report is updated from a report of Feb 26th.