Wednesday, January 29, 2014

Virginia Latest State to get screwed over Gay Marriage

Vincent J. Curtis

29 Jan 2014
 

 

Virginia’s newly elected Attorney-General Mark Herring (D-Va) has decided not to defend in court a challenge to a ban on gay marriage in Virginia’s state constitution.  It is his constitutional duty to defend the laws of Virginia in court, and only he has legal standing to do so.  If he refuses to defend the law, no one else can.

 

Republicans in the state called upon newly elected Governor Terry McAuliffe (D-Va) to appoint a special prosecutor to do what the state A-G refuses to do.  McAuliffe declined.

 

Thus we see that not only is the United States constitution being distorted to find a right that did not previously exist in it, but also that constitutional obligations of state officials are being refused in order to facilitate the rape of the Virginia state constitution.

 

Constitutions are put in place to define the offices, political responsibilities, and general structure of an entity’s government.  It is a convenient place to entrench rights because a constitution is so hard to change, and made deliberately so.  The constitutional entrenchment - that marriage was between a man and a woman - surmounted the steep difficulty of the amendment process.  That the declared will of the majority can be overturned by legal gambits has to make one wonder about the value and even validity of other parts of the constitution, and the deal its existence once represented between the people and their government.

 

If the Virginia state A-G can ignore his responsibility to defend the laws of Virginia in court, on what basis does he prosecute people under those laws?  If the elected officials of the state of Virginia hold their offices on account of a law they refuse to uphold, why should the people of Virginia pay any attention to them and their alleged claim to the right to exercise political powers granted under that constitution?  How can they accept office on the one hand, and then decline to perform the office on the other?

 

There are two immediate answers to the second question: the fear of the coercive powers those officials have while they retain the respect of the officials who do the actual coercing; and a general inertia.  The inertia is like that of an aircraft continuing to fly forward even as the cockpit portion tears off.

 

The refusal of the state A-G and the Governor of Virginia to defend that state’s constitution in court undermines the very basis of the offices they hold.  Their refusal undermines the basis of the law by which they hold office.  If the Gov and A-G can ignore their responsibilities of office, why shouldn't the people ignore their responsibilites towards the state, such a paying taxes and obeying state laws?  If the Governor and the Attorney-General do not respect the laws of the state, why should anyone else?
 

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Friday, January 17, 2014

Now Oklahoma Gets Molested by Gay Rights Error

Vincent J. Curtis
 
17 Jan 2014
 

On Wednesday, U.S. Senior Judge Terence Kern, a Tulsa-based federal judge, ruled that Part A of an Amendment to the Oklahoma state constitution, popularly approved in November 2004 and which defined marriage as between a man and a woman, violated the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment.

 

The judge had the decency to stay his ruling pending appeals.

 

This is the same ruling based on the same error as in the Utah case.

 

The right of women to vote in the United States was not discovered in the 14th Amendment by the Supreme Court of the United States.  The right was recognized by the passage of the 19th Amendment in 1920.  That is the precedent for recognizing rights in law in America.

 

At present, there is nothing in particular in law which prohibits a gay man from marrying a gay woman, and consequently there is no violation of individual rights under the 14th Amendment by holding that a marriage is a convention between a man and a woman.

 

The judges seem to base their decisions on an assumed equality between homosexuality and heterosexuality.  While there may be a vague equivalence, everyone recognizes that homosexuality is different from heterosexuality.  That is basis enough for holding that they can be treated differently in law.  They may be equivalent, but they are not equal; and consequently the going through the charade of a marriage ceremony between a gay pair cannot be held to be equal to a true marriage.  There is nothing here for the 14th Amendment to protect.

 

If gay marriage is to be recognized in the United States, the proper method is for a constitutional amendment, as in the case of the right of women to vote.  What gay rights advocates know is that if an Amendment concerning gay marriage were put before the American people, the product would be a definition of marriage as between a man and a woman.  That is why they are using this court gambit.

 

A few years ago, political commentator Mark Levin published a book entitled “Men in Black.”  It was an account of failings of Supreme Court justices and how those failings created bad judgements, bad law, and bad social policy as a result.  Dred Scott and Roe v. Wade are cases in point.  The Dred Scott decision led directly to the Civil War, and Roe v. Wade prevented the United States from coming to a political decision concerning abortion.  Abortion still roils American politics some forty years after the decision.

 

This history of judicial activism ought to inform the U.S federal judiciary that they should to stay out of resolving political issues through legal judgements, especially ones based upon faulty interpretations of the law.  Political problems are best resolved through the political process in America.

Friday, January 10, 2014

Rethinking Renewal in Hamilton: A Response

This is a response to an Op-Ed piece in my hometown newspaper.



Vincent J. Curtis

9 Jan 2014


Sirs;

As a connoisseur of argumentation, I found the article written by P. S. and D. P. to be an interesting specimen.  The rhetoric was superficially very good, but the reasoning of the piece was dogmatic, presumptuous, and ultimately appalling.  Delivered as a speech, it would be rabble-rousing. That means it would work on unthinking people.  But people who are able to think calmly for themselves would dismiss it.

It was presumptuous of them to assert that Hamilton is trying to reinvent itself, rebrand itself, and rebuild after suffering a double whammy.  Hamilton is trying to none of this; it is what they think Hamilton ought to do, but presently is not.

They say that in the next election Hamiltonians can choose to renew their city for the next generation, or be left behind.  A false choice could hardly be more obvious.

Like President Obama, they seek not the tangible aspects of change, but a change in attitudes and political climate, a fundamental change.  Apparently, the natural evolution of the city is not good enough for them.

They say that somebody should be learning from grassroots leadership.  Well, what is city government for? and who, exactly, are the grassroots leadership?  You would think that city councillors constituted the leadership of the grassroots.  That is what their job is, after all.  By grassroots leadership, they seem to mean self-appointed busybodies who can’t get themselves elected.

City Hall needs to be open to everyone, they say.  Well, in general, that sounds reasonable.  But what is one to do when unreasoning stupidity presents itself frequently at city hall?

They want to improve the quality of our streets.  Well, I do too.  They all should be well paved, and they are not.  But what S. and P. want to do is reduce main traffic arteries, streets essential to commerce and life in the city, to the status of residential streets.  They seem to say that kids ought to be able to play road hockey on Upper James, Main Street, Mohawk Road, Cannon,  Rymal Road, and Victoria Avenue.

They want to shaft property developers with new charges, with all the righteousness of the Occupy Wall Streeters.

They want to run an I heart Hamilton campaign to raise the city’s profile internationally.  What this expense was supposed to achieve went unmentioned.

They want us all to be more politically involved in city business than we are at present.  That may mean that we get twice as many political pamphlets from our city councillors as we do at present. Otherwise, that statement is more applicable to the school boards than to city council.

Of course, we have to spend a cool billion upon the LRT - the “game-changer.”  And bike lanes, which are not “social services” and are not “costs” but “investments.”

This rhetoric for the mob: for those already convinced.

By the time the folly in this sort of program is found out, it will be too late.  Kind of like how Obamacare is working out in the United States, of which it was said that you had to pass it in order to find out what was in it.

What this city does not need is a large dose of experimentation by sorcerer’s apprentices.  The city should be left to evolve naturally and with a prudent eye towards the budget and keeping costs low. Often, the less activist the government, the better.  Activist government is mistake-prone and costly.

The city has enough trouble keeping its streets paved.  It does not need to take on large and expensive new endeavors.

Regards;

Tuesday, January 7, 2014

The Gay Rape of Utah


 
Vincent J. Curtis


7 Jan 2014
 

On December 20th, 2013, Judge Robert J. Shelby issued a ruling that struck down the provision in the Utah State Constitution which defined marriage.  The Utah constitutional provision which defined a marriage as between a man and a woman was passed in 2004 by a vote of 66 % to 33 %.

 

In his 53 page ruling, Judge Shelby ruled that the state’s definition of marriage in its constitution violated the constitutional rights of gay and lesbian couples under the Constitution of the United States, specifically the 14th Amendment and its provision of equal protection and due process under the law.  He found that gay and lesbian couples have a fundamental right to marry, and that the Utah constitutional definition of marriage demeaned the dignity of these same-sex couples for no rational reason.  He accordingly found the laws unconstitutional.

 

He further stated that the state offered no evidence that opposite-sex marriage would be affected, and that fears and speculations are insufficient to justify the state’s refusal to dignify the family relationship of gay and lesbian citizens.

 

Well!

 

It is certainly cheeky of Judge Shelby to complain of a lack of rationality.  Given what he found, I doubt anything I say would be found rational by him.  Rational discussion is not possible when the opposing parties disagree on basic premises. But rationality consists in method of argument, of reasoning more or less logically from premises to conclusions, whether the premises are accepted or not.  Permit me to take on Judge Shelby and his opinion even if he would find no rationality or reason in it.

 

Before I begin, let me observe that Judge Shelby’s finding that Utah’s placing of a definition of marriage in its state constitution was demeaning and placed there for no rational reason means that he claims to know what is in the mind of Utah’s public at large.  It seems never to have occurred to him that the definition was placed there for greater certainty and for the instruction of Utah’s state courts and other officials by Utah’s public at large without any malice intended.  It was a statement of Utah’s settled opinion on the matter, and that was all.  The mind-reading Judge Shelby overturned Utah’s settled opinion.  Now I shall tackle Judge Shelby’s ruling on its merits.

 

Let me begin with a principle of justice.  Justice consists in the treating of equals equally and unequals unequally in proportion to their inequality.  This is the principle of fairness.

 

Are heterosexuality and homosexuality equal?

 

They are not, for they are different in kind.  Heterosexuality and homosexuality are undoubtedly different, but they do not differ in degree.  Since they are not differing degrees of the same thing, they must differ in kind.  Since they are different in kind, they cannot be equal; and there is no basis therefore for attempting to treat them as equals in law.  If heterosexuality and homosexuality differed in degree, then different treatment of them in law would still be justified on the basis of their differences in degree.

 

Consequently, there is no basis in Justice for treating homosexuality as equal to heterosexuality.  In fact, Justice requires that they be treated unequally!

 

Let us now look at an alleged right to marriage.  Marriage is not an individual right.  In the first place, marriage requires two, not one, by definition.  Secondly, marriage does not answer to a fundamental need of an individual, and so there is no basis in natural law for it to be enshrined as a human right.  A natural need gives rise to a human right.  Marriage is not on par with a right to sustenance of life, etc.  Marriage is a convention.[1]  A social convention, first between two people and then between the couple and society at large.  The existence of the convention between two people is signified by an act of law or religion.

 

The convention of marriage is circumscribed by law in many respects.  In the first place, one person cannot marry another who does not want to be married to the first.  One person cannot marry another if one of the two is already married to a third.  There are the laws of consanguinity which forbid a widowed father from marrying his daughter, brother from marrying sister, mother and son, etc.  There are all kinds of accepted laws which control who can marry whom.  It does not seem to be beyond the bounds of reason for law to define that a marriage is a convention between a man and a woman, and to say that is such convention is lawful subject to these other limitations.  There is nothing in law which prevents a gay man from marrying a gay woman, subject to these other provisions, and so no individual right is impaired by defining marriage as a convention between a man and a woman.  It is not clear from Judge Shelby’s ruling if a marriage between two gay brothers should be lawful or not, since the laws of consanguinity are not relevant to that case.  Or, for that matter, between a gay brother and a lesbian sister.  (Judge Shelby’s opinion offers no principled reason for objection to these latter kinds of relationships being recognized as lawful marriages.)

 

In summary, there is no individual right to marriage, nor can there be.  Judge Shelby discovered an individual right to marriage where one cannot exist in order for him to find something that would be covered by the 14th Amendment, and its provision for the right to equal protection of the law and due process under the law.

 

The applicable provision of the 14th Amendment reads as follows:

 

“No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.”

 

Last year, the Defense of Marriage Act and California’s Proposition 8 were challenged before the Supreme Court of the United States, and both were struck down in a majority opinion partly on the basis of this part of the 14th Amendment.  A noted constitutional textualist, Justice Antonin Scalia, asked Counsel Ted Olsen in that case when did sexual orientation became one of the privileges or immunities protected by the 14th Amendment, at the time of its passage or some time later; and if later, when?  This question is both telling and devastating.

 

It is quite clear that sexual orientation was not one of the “privileges or immunities” enjoyed by citizens of the United States at the time of passage.  The right of women to vote in the United States was not found in this amendment.  The right of women to vote in the United States was not ordained until the ratification of the 19th Amendment in 1920.  And this fact is instructive.

 

Judicial fiat was not used to grant women one of the “privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States” that hitherto had been enjoyed exclusively by men.  A constitutional amendment was required.  With this as an example, for the United States judiciary to discover sexual orientation as one of the “privileges or immunities” of the 14th Amendment is for it to express an impatience in or a distrust of the amendment process of the United States constitution, and exercises extra-constitutional powers in expressing that impatience and that distrust.

 

Let us now turn to the other relevant principle of justice, the primacy of the good over the right.  This principle is different from, and not reducible to, the other principle mentioned, the principle of fairness in treatment.  This principle requires us to ask, is it not good, nevertheless, that a recognition of same-sex marriage be made since it would bring happiness to same-sex couples, and is not this happiness a good for society as a whole?  This seems to be the point Judge Shelby was aiming at.

 

Let’s start with the matter of the good.  Moral virtue is the acquired habit of desiring as one ought to desire and desiring nothing that interferes with the obtaining of the real goods one needs to live a good life.  As I have explained elsewhere, LGBT behaviors are not expressions of desiring as one ought.  What one ought to desire are those things which conform to the norms of human needs, including such circumscribed and limited goods as heterosexual sex.  Homosexual sex is precisely something that one ought not to desire.  Consequently, the whole business of trying to normalize LGBT behaviors, such as by foisting gay-marriage upon a society against its wishes, is an attempt to find a real good in LGBT behaviors that don’t exist.  Since LGBT behaviors deviate from the norm, an effort to find happiness in them is fruitless.

 

Judge Shelby seems to be saying that homosexual sex is the basis of a marriage, being the same as heterosexual sex, and society ought to sanction one as it sanctions the other, and society as a whole will be happier thereby. (and never mind the unhappiness created when society sees its settled opinion overturned by judicial fiat.)

 

Even if a few homosexual couples find contentment in gay-marriage, society as a whole is disrupted.  The whole good of the whole community will not be found in the recognition of gay marriage.  Though the courts may find that heterosexual couples have no standing to challenge gay marriage, heterosexual marriage is nevertheless demeaned by the gay mockery of it.  And society is hurt when heterosexual marriage is demeaned.

 

The clearly stated will of a large majority of society was held to be nugatory before an unaccountable judiciary, a minority of one.

 

The best kind of families for society, those with a mother and father and children, is demeaned when it is equated with a gay pair.  One is not just as good as the other in fact, and it is wrong to hold so in law.

 

The community is also hurt by a judiciary that exceeds its constitutional powers and arrogates to itself the power of amendment of the United States constitution without the consent of the people.  The Declaration of Independence makes reference to deriving just power from the consent of the governed.  When the judiciary goes beyond its powers and acts contrary to the consent of the governed, it no longer can claim to be dispensing justice.  The good of society as whole is not served by a judiciary that exceeds its powers.

 

A community is hurt when it comes to believe that its judiciary and judicial system are no longer trustworthy, and in fact actually are no longer trustworthy and faithful in its interpretation of the laws and constitution.

 

The rising generation is confused by the mockery of conventions brought about by gay marriage.[2]

 

A community is hurt when it cannot be sure that its cherished values will be upheld by an independent judiciary.

 

The above may be altogether too much rational reason for Judge Shelby, or it may not amount to him to rational reason at all.


In summary, there is no basis in reason or in law for homosexuality to be treated as the equal of heterosexuality.  No individual human right is impaired by defining marriage as a convention between a man and a woman.  The proper method for recognizing qualitatively new individual rights under the United States Constitution, or the Constitution of any State, is through the applicable Amendment process, not through judicial fiat.  No social good is to be found in mocking marriage by the creation of homosexual marriage through judicial fiat.  The people of a state are entitled to instruct their judiciary and their public officials without their motives being impugned, and an alleged motive being used as the basis for overturning an instruction.  Society as a whole is not benefited by the creation of moral confusion.

 

Judge Shelby’s ruling stands refuted on its merits.
 

As of this writing, Justice Sonia Sotomayor has stayed Judge Shelby’s ruling pending appeal of the case to the Supreme Court.  No more gay marriages will take place in Utah until the Supreme Court renders its decision on the matter.

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[1] A convention does not require a rational reason to exist in law.  To choose to drive on the left hand side or the right hand side of the road has no basis in rationality, but the convention for one side and not the other is a convention created merely for the good order of society.  The state could decide that marriage was strictly a religious matter and not sanction marriage at all, for example.
[2] In Ontario recently, it was announced on the news that George Smitherman’s husband had been found dead.  The newscasters announced this story and formulation without a blush, and the newspapers wrote of this odd arrangement without comment.  George Smitherman was once a powerful Minister in the government of Ontario, and was by no means backward when dealing with political opponents.  He resigned from office several years ago.  That George Smitherman had a husband and that he, by deduction, must have considered himself to be a homosexual wife, was altogether too much information for me.  In my eyes, George Smitherman demeaned himself in a way I can hardly fathom.  It is a strange case.

Monday, January 6, 2014

"The pyschopath within" and the LGBTQ community


 
Vincent J. Curtis

6 Jan 2014

A letter to my hometown newspaper.

Sirs;



The article “Facing the Psychopath Within”, a story about neuroscientist Dr. James Fallon, was interesting not just for the content of the article, but for the implications of that content.

 

Here we have a clear-cut case of a man, Dr. Fallon, genetically predisposed to engage in a certain kind of behavior, and he has chosen not to engage in it.  He is tormented by all sorts of demons, and his decisions about his behavior have remained under rational control.  Inclined to hurt the people around him, he has not.

 

That such a case exists ought to worry those who ask that the LGBTQ community be accommodated or even pitied.  We are told that those who engage in LGBTQ behaviors do so either as a life-style choice, or are genetically predisposed to engage in such behaviors and cannot help themselves.  The community at large is supposed to make a special effort, engage in a special outreach, to make those who engage in LGBTQ behaviors feel better about themselves.  We have “gay-straight” alliances in schools and gay marriage as results of this special effort.

 

We may now conclude on the basis of the psychopath example, that LGBTQ behaviors are entirely under rational control and need not be engaged in at all.  Except under extraordinary emotional distress, man remains rational in his decisions.

 

The community at large has a right to feel conned.

 

There is no excuse for bullying or for aggressive behavior against people who are not to our tastes.  But LGBTQ behaviors are the results of rational choices under the control of the persons who make them.  These personal choices ought not to disturb the community at large, but they have.
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What to expect in the next provincial election - response to editorial


Vincent J. Curtis
 
31 Dec 2013
 
 
Sirs;

 

A well thought-through editorial.  It was objective.

 

In it you hit upon something interesting, namely that Kathleen Wynne will promise to create some sort of provincial pension plan, since those miserly, tight-fisted conservatives refuse to blow a hole in the federal budget to help Lynne get re-elected in Ontario.

 

Where is she going to get the money to start this plan?  She hasn’t got it to build transportation infrastructure.  For that she has floated all sorts of trial balloons for new taxes, tolls, levies and bonds, and they all have been shot down.

 

If an Ontario Pension Plan is in the works, for those who are in need now or will be in the near future there will be no money unless the Ontario government makes a large capital investment in it at the start.  Otherwise, an OPP would work like an RRSP: you put in a little every year for thirty or forty years and then you collapse it gradually over one’s retirement years.  She gets no political credit now for a plan that wouldn’t start to pay off until thirty years hence.  So how is she going to fund it at the start?

 

She could try and run an OPP like a Ponzi scheme, the same as the CPP began.  The CPP benefited at the start because of the large baby-boomer cohort that was coming thirty years behind it, and it is only now that the baby-boomers are starting to retire that we discover the actuarial trick behind the start-up of the CPP.  The population did not continue to grow geometrically, and Mike Pearson is long gone from the scene.

 

Well, there is no large cohort just starting their working careers as there were in 1966.  But that doesn’t matter.  All Lynne needs to do is get herself elected this year and again in another four years and she is done.  The consequences of an unsound actuarial start-up to an OPP will be suffered by her successors.

 

This is what to look for in an OPP scheme.  She imposes a new payroll tax on Ontario workers that is large enough to fund both a modest benefit to current retirees and her transportation infrastructure (however she disguises the flow of money).

 

It will be well after Lynne leaves office that the unsoundness of this Ponzi-style financing scheme will be found out.
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Pension Reform is no longer a Sleeper Issue - Response to Editorial


Vincent J. Curtis
 
30 Dec 2013
 
 
 
Sirs;
 
Stripped to its bare bones, this editorial calls upon Finance Minister Jim Flaherty to blow a massive hole in the Federal budget in order to aid Kathleen Wynne’s re-election effort.

 

If Flaherty were to do as you want, Lynne would take the credit as having forced the heartless Conservatives to do the right thing.

 

You skate past the fact that what Lynne wants is a massive transfer of wealth from the young to the old and foolish, people who never saved for their retirement.  But even the old and rich would be given money from the young because they too were forced to contribute to the CPP when they worked.

 

Charity is not Kathleen Wynne’s motivation.  Re-election is.  The CPP issue from her is a red herring.  The CPP is not provincial business.

 

If you want to be charitable, think of today’s young who have mortgages, who have children in school, and who have their own retirement to save for.
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